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Infosys’s data and analytics business is now worth nearly $3 billion Satish HC, EVP and head of global services for DNA, says they realised early on that data had become a new pivot for business ... BENGALURU: Infosys’s data and analytics practice, which started five years ago, has grown into a nearly $3 billion service line, employing over 20,000 employees.The revenue is almost a quarter ... Oracle Utilities: Turn raw data into a powerful information. ETEnergyworld.com India Smart WaterTech Series. ETEnergyworld.com City Gas Distribution. September 24, 2020. ETEnergyworld.com Smart Metering - Power & Water. July 21, 2020. ETEnergyworld.com Solar Energy Storage & InterContinental Grids. June 19, 2020. Virtual Roundtable Discussion Mobile data download speeds, which fell almost by 21% (national average) compared to pre-Covid levels in the first week of April (soon after the lockdown commenced), got back to the earlier levels ... Indiatimes.com brings you the news, articles, stories and videos on entertainment, latest lifestyle, culture and new technologies emerging worldwide. Analytics is the aggregation and examination of data from many sources to derive insights, and when used to study and fight global outbreaks, pandemic analytics is a modern way to combat a problem ... The data exposed includes email, name, and address, as well as order details, but does not involve complete payment card numbers or financial information, the Canadian company said. Centre coming up with National Cyber-Security Strategy 2020: NSA Doval . Delivering the key-note address via video conferencing at the two-day virtual cyber ... Kolkata: The American Express Data Analytics, Risk and Technology (DART) Laboratory was inaugurated at Indian Institute of Technology Madras on Thursday. The Lab aims to establish itself as a world-class hub of research in risk analytics and behavioral sciences by leveraging Machine Learning/Artificial Intelligence (ML/AI) and related technologies. The lab would focus on risks that originate ... 1. Post Graduate Program in Data Science from Purdue University and Simplilearn. Simplilearn's PGP in Data Science in partnership with Purdue University, has been ranked as the best Data Science Course in India, based on the above selection and ranking criteria.. Purdue University has over 150 years of academic excellence and one of the world's top data science programs. “The Directorate of Intelligence & Criminal Investigation (I&CI) of the income tax department during August and September 2019 obtained LRS data from several banks in Mumbai and Delhi and verification of the top 100 cases was undertaken. However, nothing adverse was found,” said the report, which was submitted to SIT probing black money earlier this year.

No Migrants In My Backyard: How Bad Urban Planning Created a Humanitarian Disaster in India

2020.09.28 05:01 gnikivar2 No Migrants In My Backyard: How Bad Urban Planning Created a Humanitarian Disaster in India

Rajesh Chouhan, a construction worker in the city of Bangalore, walked for ten consecutive days and 1,200 miles to reach his home village of Srinagar Babaganj in Bihar. Rajesh Chouhan was one of millions of migrants who, in the aftermath of COVID-19 and the government response to the pandemic, chose to return to their home villages. India in March of 2020 implemented one of the most stringent lockdowns in the world, closing nearly every worksite in the country, including the construction site Rajesh Chouhan worked upon. The threadbare Indian welfare state did not have The government had closed all between city transportation in an effort to stop COVID-19 from spreading city to city. As a result, Rajesh Chouhan and millions of other migrants, have faced hunger, thirst, and beatings by police to return home. To understand the desperate situation on Indian migrants, one must first understand the haphazard process of urbanization of India. In part one of today's podcast episode, I will discuss the problem of low urbanization in India, while in parts two and three I will focus on how an inability to build sufficient housing, and a welfare state that is not built to serve the needs of the migrant population.
At first glance, it might seem paradoxical to state that India suffers from a lack of urbanization. Between 1993 and 2018, India's urbanization rate increased from 26% to 34% and over 139 million people from rural areas have migrated to urban areas. However, urbanization in India has been slow when compared to other rapidly developing economies such as Bangladesh, Vietnam and Indonesia. India's low urbanization is especially clear in comparison to China. China's urbanization advantage isn't just a function of higher levels of development, and faster rates of growth. Over the last 6 years, per capita incomes in India and China have grown by similar amounts, but the rate of increased urbanization in China during this same period is three times that of India. The disparity can be explained by the fact that productivity in urban China, driven by a booming export oriented manufacturing industry is 3.2 times that of rural China, while productivity in the service driven economies of urban India are only 1.6 times more productive than rural India. At the same time, due to a regulatory framework that makes building new housing inordinately difficult, the cost of prime real estate in Beijing and Shanghai are half of those of Mumbai and Delhi.
The low rate of urbanization and geographic mobility acts as a severe brake on economic growth in India. Wages in rural India are 45% lower than in urban India, while the differential in China is only 10%. The poorest states in India has a per capita income in the richest states are 6 times that the poorest, with the gap only getting wider and wider. Similarly, poverty in rural India is at 29.6% while it is at 9.2% in urban India. Over the last 6 years, levels of consumption have actually declined in rural India, while it has grown at over 15% in the bottom to deciles of urban India, the fastest out of any region in India. Rural India is suffering from ever shrinking plots of land, and burgeoning environmental crisis, while India's most dynamic industries are concentrated in major metropolitan areas. Urbanization must accelerate if India's poor are to take advantage rapid economic growth.
One of the most important obstacles to urbanization in India is the difficulty of building housing in India. First, most urban zoning bodies in India maintain excessively low Floor Space Indexes, regulations on how high building can be built. In most urban areas allowed FSI in the urban core is between 5 and 15, while around .5 in the suburbs with legally mandated levels higher. Given India's high levels of density, one would expect allowed FSI to be much high in India. However, the opposite is the case. For example, in Mumbai, until 2015, allowed FSI of only 1.33 in the urban core and 1 in the suburbs. Similarly, FSI in Delhi is limited to between 1.2 and 3.5 in Delhi and to between 1.5 and 2.5 in Kolkata. Compounding this problem, Indian states maintain some of the strictest rent control laws in the world in the 1950s. These laws made it all but impossible to evict renters, and forced landlords to raise rents at rates less than that of inflation. Unsurprisingly, landlords became much less willing to rent to tenants. Between 1961 and 2011, the share of rental housing in urban India declined from 54% to 31%, with the trend most pronounced in the regions of India with the strongest rent control laws. In 1961, Mumbai had roughly even amounts of rental and owner occupied housing. By 2011, 95% of new housing stock was owner occupied, and only 5% rental. My own grandfather rented a house. Even after moving to the United States, we kept the property as the landlord was neither able to raise the rent or evict us. Eventually, the landlord said that given postage cost more than the rent we paid, we no longer even had to pay rent. When a developer wanted to build a taller building more people, he had to pay both the landlord and us to let him tear down a house we neither lived in or paid rent for.
Finally, purchasing agricultural land in India is a legal nightmare. One must first navigate a bureaucratic thicket filled with officials collecting bribes at every location to change land use from agricultural to non agricultural use. Moreover, land registers in India are woefully out of date. If a major developer wants to buy a piece of land, every individual plausible claim makes it. The developer must either wait for the courts to resolve the case, or to settle with each claimant individually. Indian courts suffer from a backlog of 31 million cases, and a quarter of land cases take more than a decade to resolve. The combination of low mandated Floor Space Indexes, rent control policies, and the difficulty of buying new land make building new housing in India artificially expensive, raising rents for India's urban to rural migrants. Due to extreme housing costs, the average resident of urban India has only 117 square feet to live in. In slums like Dharavi it is common for ten men to share a single room, and many laborers choose to live and sleep on construction costs to save on rent. It should hardly be surprising that such expensive costs deter many from moving to the city.
Finally, India's welfare system is poorly equipped to deal with rural to urban migration. India has long had systems of social insurance based upon caste affiliation. For poorer members of more prosperous castes, losing access to interest and collateral free loans, and assistance in case of emergency can cause many to choose not to move to distant urban areas where such networks become attenuated. At the same time, India's government sponsored formal sector exacerbates these problems. In India, it is the rural poor who vote more than anyone else, and poorly conceived redistricting means that rural votes count for more than their urban counterparts. One of the landmark welfare schemes of the previous government of Manmohan Singh was NREGA, a government sponsored public works program that provided all rural residents with 100 days of paid work. The public works program reduced migration to urban areas by rural people who could not read or write by 32%. Similarly, India's Public Distribution System, a network of stores that offers food grains and other essentials at highly subsidized prices distributes on the basis of the registration of one's ration card. Migrants are locked out of the system, making the cost of food substantially higher for them. At the beginning of 2020, the government of Narendra Modi introduced plans to make ration cards portable. However, only pilot programs for "One Nation, One Ration Card" had been introduced when the COVID-19 crisis began.
India's rural to urban migrants on one hand must pay higher rents due to inadequate housing construction, while at the same time receiving substantially less in welfare benefits. The negative effects of these two impediments to urbanization became clear when the COVID-19 crisis started. At first, the government tried to force migrants to stay in urban areas. However, it quickly became clear that the state did not have the administrative capacity to stop all migration. Moreover, heartrending stories of migrants facing hunger and extreme deprivation made such a strategy politically untenable as well. Various state government started repatriating large numbers of migrants, in the process spreading COVID-19 to poor states with limited hospital and testing capacity. At the same time, rural areas have been hard hit by India's economic crisis. There are few jobs available to returning migrants, adding more strain to already impoverished communities. Dealing with the twin public health and economic challenge will prove to be a Herculean challenge for India. Selected Sources: Emerging Pattern of Urbanisation in India, RB Bhagat Poverty and inequality in India: a re-examination, Angus Deaton, Jean Dreze Reforms and Regional Inequality in India, Sabyaschi Kal, S. Sakthivel Falling Water Tables - Sustaining Agriculture The challenges of groundwater management in India, Malik R.P.S Mumbai FAFSI conundrum, Alain Bertaud Decline of rental housing in India: the case of Mumbai, Vaidehi Tandel, Shirish Patel, Sahil Gandhi, Abhay Pethe and Kabir Agarwal Land Markets and Regional Government Rent Seeking Behavior, Kai Kajitani Why is Mobility in India so Low? Social Insurance, Inequality, and Growth, Kaivan Munshi , M The Impact of NREGS on Urbanization in India, Shamika Ravi, Rahul Ahluwalia
www.wealthofnationspodcast.com https://media.blubrry.com/wealthofnationspodcast/s/content.blubrry.com/wealthofnationspodcast/India-Rural_Migrants.mp3
submitted by gnikivar2 to globalistshills [link] [comments]


2020.09.28 05:01 gnikivar2 No Migrants In My Backyard: How Bad Urban Planning Created a Humanitarian Disaster in India

Rajesh Chouhan, a construction worker in the city of Bangalore, walked for ten consecutive days and 1,200 miles to reach his home village of Srinagar Babaganj in Bihar. Rajesh Chouhan was one of millions of migrants who, in the aftermath of COVID-19 and the government response to the pandemic, chose to return to their home villages. India in March of 2020 implemented one of the most stringent lockdowns in the world, closing nearly every worksite in the country, including the construction site Rajesh Chouhan worked upon. The threadbare Indian welfare state did not have The government had closed all between city transportation in an effort to stop COVID-19 from spreading city to city. As a result, Rajesh Chouhan and millions of other migrants, have faced hunger, thirst, and beatings by police to return home. To understand the desperate situation on Indian migrants, one must first understand the haphazard process of urbanization of India. In part one of today's podcast episode, I will discuss the problem of low urbanization in India, while in parts two and three I will focus on how an inability to build sufficient housing, and a welfare state that is not built to serve the needs of the migrant population.
At first glance, it might seem paradoxical to state that India suffers from a lack of urbanization. Between 1993 and 2018, India's urbanization rate increased from 26% to 34% and over 139 million people from rural areas have migrated to urban areas. However, urbanization in India has been slow when compared to other rapidly developing economies such as Bangladesh, Vietnam and Indonesia. India's low urbanization is especially clear in comparison to China. China's urbanization advantage isn't just a function of higher levels of development, and faster rates of growth. Over the last 6 years, per capita incomes in India and China have grown by similar amounts, but the rate of increased urbanization in China during this same period is three times that of India. The disparity can be explained by the fact that productivity in urban China, driven by a booming export oriented manufacturing industry is 3.2 times that of rural China, while productivity in the service driven economies of urban India are only 1.6 times more productive than rural India. At the same time, due to a regulatory framework that makes building new housing inordinately difficult, the cost of prime real estate in Beijing and Shanghai are half of those of Mumbai and Delhi.
The low rate of urbanization and geographic mobility acts as a severe brake on economic growth in India. Wages in rural India are 45% lower than in urban India, while the differential in China is only 10%. The poorest states in India has a per capita income in the richest states are 6 times that the poorest, with the gap only getting wider and wider. Similarly, poverty in rural India is at 29.6% while it is at 9.2% in urban India. Over the last 6 years, levels of consumption have actually declined in rural India, while it has grown at over 15% in the bottom to deciles of urban India, the fastest out of any region in India. Rural India is suffering from ever shrinking plots of land, and burgeoning environmental crisis, while India's most dynamic industries are concentrated in major metropolitan areas. Urbanization must accelerate if India's poor are to take advantage rapid economic growth.
One of the most important obstacles to urbanization in India is the difficulty of building housing in India. First, most urban zoning bodies in India maintain excessively low Floor Space Indexes, regulations on how high building can be built. In most urban areas allowed FSI in the urban core is between 5 and 15, while around .5 in the suburbs with legally mandated levels higher. Given India's high levels of density, one would expect allowed FSI to be much high in India. However, the opposite is the case. For example, in Mumbai, until 2015, allowed FSI of only 1.33 in the urban core and 1 in the suburbs. Similarly, FSI in Delhi is limited to between 1.2 and 3.5 in Delhi and to between 1.5 and 2.5 in Kolkata. Compounding this problem, Indian states maintain some of the strictest rent control laws in the world in the 1950s. These laws made it all but impossible to evict renters, and forced landlords to raise rents at rates less than that of inflation. Unsurprisingly, landlords became much less willing to rent to tenants. Between 1961 and 2011, the share of rental housing in urban India declined from 54% to 31%, with the trend most pronounced in the regions of India with the strongest rent control laws. In 1961, Mumbai had roughly even amounts of rental and owner occupied housing. By 2011, 95% of new housing stock was owner occupied, and only 5% rental. My own grandfather rented a house. Even after moving to the United States, we kept the property as the landlord was neither able to raise the rent or evict us. Eventually, the landlord said that given postage cost more than the rent we paid, we no longer even had to pay rent. When a developer wanted to build a taller building more people, he had to pay both the landlord and us to let him tear down a house we neither lived in or paid rent for.
Finally, purchasing agricultural land in India is a legal nightmare. One must first navigate a bureaucratic thicket filled with officials collecting bribes at every location to change land use from agricultural to non agricultural use. Moreover, land registers in India are woefully out of date. If a major developer wants to buy a piece of land, every individual plausible claim makes it. The developer must either wait for the courts to resolve the case, or to settle with each claimant individually. Indian courts suffer from a backlog of 31 million cases, and a quarter of land cases take more than a decade to resolve. The combination of low mandated Floor Space Indexes, rent control policies, and the difficulty of buying new land make building new housing in India artificially expensive, raising rents for India's urban to rural migrants. Due to extreme housing costs, the average resident of urban India has only 117 square feet to live in. In slums like Dharavi it is common for ten men to share a single room, and many laborers choose to live and sleep on construction costs to save on rent. It should hardly be surprising that such expensive costs deter many from moving to the city.
Finally, India's welfare system is poorly equipped to deal with rural to urban migration. India has long had systems of social insurance based upon caste affiliation. For poorer members of more prosperous castes, losing access to interest and collateral free loans, and assistance in case of emergency can cause many to choose not to move to distant urban areas where such networks become attenuated. At the same time, India's government sponsored formal sector exacerbates these problems. In India, it is the rural poor who vote more than anyone else, and poorly conceived redistricting means that rural votes count for more than their urban counterparts. One of the landmark welfare schemes of the previous government of Manmohan Singh was NREGA, a government sponsored public works program that provided all rural residents with 100 days of paid work. The public works program reduced migration to urban areas by rural people who could not read or write by 32%. Similarly, India's Public Distribution System, a network of stores that offers food grains and other essentials at highly subsidized prices distributes on the basis of the registration of one's ration card. Migrants are locked out of the system, making the cost of food substantially higher for them. At the beginning of 2020, the government of Narendra Modi introduced plans to make ration cards portable. However, only pilot programs for "One Nation, One Ration Card" had been introduced when the COVID-19 crisis began.
India's rural to urban migrants on one hand must pay higher rents due to inadequate housing construction, while at the same time receiving substantially less in welfare benefits. The negative effects of these two impediments to urbanization became clear when the COVID-19 crisis started. At first, the government tried to force migrants to stay in urban areas. However, it quickly became clear that the state did not have the administrative capacity to stop all migration. Moreover, heartrending stories of migrants facing hunger and extreme deprivation made such a strategy politically untenable as well. Various state government started repatriating large numbers of migrants, in the process spreading COVID-19 to poor states with limited hospital and testing capacity. At the same time, rural areas have been hard hit by India's economic crisis. There are few jobs available to returning migrants, adding more strain to already impoverished communities. Dealing with the twin public health and economic challenge will prove to be a Herculean challenge for India. Selected Sources: Emerging Pattern of Urbanisation in India, RB Bhagat Poverty and inequality in India: a re-examination, Angus Deaton, Jean Dreze Reforms and Regional Inequality in India, Sabyaschi Kal, S. Sakthivel Falling Water Tables - Sustaining Agriculture The challenges of groundwater management in India, Malik R.P.S Mumbai FAFSI conundrum, Alain Bertaud Decline of rental housing in India: the case of Mumbai, Vaidehi Tandel, Shirish Patel, Sahil Gandhi, Abhay Pethe and Kabir Agarwal Land Markets and Regional Government Rent Seeking Behavior, Kai Kajitani Why is Mobility in India so Low? Social Insurance, Inequality, and Growth, Kaivan Munshi , M The Impact of NREGS on Urbanization in India, Shamika Ravi, Rahul Ahluwalia
www.wealthofnationspodcast.com https://media.blubrry.com/wealthofnationspodcast/s/content.blubrry.com/wealthofnationspodcast/India-Rural_Migrants.mp3
submitted by gnikivar2 to GeoPodcasts [link] [comments]


2020.09.28 05:00 gnikivar2 No Migrants In My Backyard: How Bad Urban Planning Created a Humanitarian Disaster in India

Rajesh Chouhan, a construction worker in the city of Bangalore, walked for ten consecutive days and 1,200 miles to reach his home village of Srinagar Babaganj in Bihar. Rajesh Chouhan was one of millions of migrants who, in the aftermath of COVID-19 and the government response to the pandemic, chose to return to their home villages. India in March of 2020 implemented one of the most stringent lockdowns in the world, closing nearly every worksite in the country, including the construction site Rajesh Chouhan worked upon. The threadbare Indian welfare state did not have The government had closed all between city transportation in an effort to stop COVID-19 from spreading city to city. As a result, Rajesh Chouhan and millions of other migrants, have faced hunger, thirst, and beatings by police to return home. To understand the desperate situation on Indian migrants, one must first understand the haphazard process of urbanization of India. In part one of today's podcast episode, I will discuss the problem of low urbanization in India, while in parts two and three I will focus on how an inability to build sufficient housing, and a welfare state that is not built to serve the needs of the migrant population.
At first glance, it might seem paradoxical to state that India suffers from a lack of urbanization. Between 1993 and 2018, India's urbanization rate increased from 26% to 34% and over 139 million people from rural areas have migrated to urban areas. However, urbanization in India has been slow when compared to other rapidly developing economies such as Bangladesh, Vietnam and Indonesia. India's low urbanization is especially clear in comparison to China. China's urbanization advantage isn't just a function of higher levels of development, and faster rates of growth. Over the last 6 years, per capita incomes in India and China have grown by similar amounts, but the rate of increased urbanization in China during this same period is three times that of India. The disparity can be explained by the fact that productivity in urban China, driven by a booming export oriented manufacturing industry is 3.2 times that of rural China, while productivity in the service driven economies of urban India are only 1.6 times more productive than rural India. At the same time, due to a regulatory framework that makes building new housing inordinately difficult, the cost of prime real estate in Beijing and Shanghai are half of those of Mumbai and Delhi.
The low rate of urbanization and geographic mobility acts as a severe brake on economic growth in India. Wages in rural India are 45% lower than in urban India, while the differential in China is only 10%. The poorest states in India has a per capita income in the richest states are 6 times that the poorest, with the gap only getting wider and wider. Similarly, poverty in rural India is at 29.6% while it is at 9.2% in urban India. Over the last 6 years, levels of consumption have actually declined in rural India, while it has grown at over 15% in the bottom to deciles of urban India, the fastest out of any region in India. Rural India is suffering from ever shrinking plots of land, and burgeoning environmental crisis, while India's most dynamic industries are concentrated in major metropolitan areas. Urbanization must accelerate if India's poor are to take advantage rapid economic growth.
One of the most important obstacles to urbanization in India is the difficulty of building housing in India. First, most urban zoning bodies in India maintain excessively low Floor Space Indexes, regulations on how high building can be built. In most urban areas allowed FSI in the urban core is between 5 and 15, while around .5 in the suburbs with legally mandated levels higher. Given India's high levels of density, one would expect allowed FSI to be much high in India. However, the opposite is the case. For example, in Mumbai, until 2015, allowed FSI of only 1.33 in the urban core and 1 in the suburbs. Similarly, FSI in Delhi is limited to between 1.2 and 3.5 in Delhi and to between 1.5 and 2.5 in Kolkata. Compounding this problem, Indian states maintain some of the strictest rent control laws in the world in the 1950s. These laws made it all but impossible to evict renters, and forced landlords to raise rents at rates less than that of inflation. Unsurprisingly, landlords became much less willing to rent to tenants. Between 1961 and 2011, the share of rental housing in urban India declined from 54% to 31%, with the trend most pronounced in the regions of India with the strongest rent control laws. In 1961, Mumbai had roughly even amounts of rental and owner occupied housing. By 2011, 95% of new housing stock was owner occupied, and only 5% rental. My own grandfather rented a house. Even after moving to the United States, we kept the property as the landlord was neither able to raise the rent or evict us. Eventually, the landlord said that given postage cost more than the rent we paid, we no longer even had to pay rent. When a developer wanted to build a taller building more people, he had to pay both the landlord and us to let him tear down a house we neither lived in or paid rent for.
Finally, purchasing agricultural land in India is a legal nightmare. One must first navigate a bureaucratic thicket filled with officials collecting bribes at every location to change land use from agricultural to non agricultural use. Moreover, land registers in India are woefully out of date. If a major developer wants to buy a piece of land, every individual plausible claim makes it. The developer must either wait for the courts to resolve the case, or to settle with each claimant individually. Indian courts suffer from a backlog of 31 million cases, and a quarter of land cases take more than a decade to resolve. The combination of low mandated Floor Space Indexes, rent control policies, and the difficulty of buying new land make building new housing in India artificially expensive, raising rents for India's urban to rural migrants. Due to extreme housing costs, the average resident of urban India has only 117 square feet to live in. In slums like Dharavi it is common for ten men to share a single room, and many laborers choose to live and sleep on construction costs to save on rent. It should hardly be surprising that such expensive costs deter many from moving to the city.
Finally, India's welfare system is poorly equipped to deal with rural to urban migration. India has long had systems of social insurance based upon caste affiliation. For poorer members of more prosperous castes, losing access to interest and collateral free loans, and assistance in case of emergency can cause many to choose not to move to distant urban areas where such networks become attenuated. At the same time, India's government sponsored formal sector exacerbates these problems. In India, it is the rural poor who vote more than anyone else, and poorly conceived redistricting means that rural votes count for more than their urban counterparts. One of the landmark welfare schemes of the previous government of Manmohan Singh was NREGA, a government sponsored public works program that provided all rural residents with 100 days of paid work. The public works program reduced migration to urban areas by rural people who could not read or write by 32%. Similarly, India's Public Distribution System, a network of stores that offers food grains and other essentials at highly subsidized prices distributes on the basis of the registration of one's ration card. Migrants are locked out of the system, making the cost of food substantially higher for them. At the beginning of 2020, the government of Narendra Modi introduced plans to make ration cards portable. However, only pilot programs for "One Nation, One Ration Card" had been introduced when the COVID-19 crisis began.
India's rural to urban migrants on one hand must pay higher rents due to inadequate housing construction, while at the same time receiving substantially less in welfare benefits. The negative effects of these two impediments to urbanization became clear when the COVID-19 crisis started. At first, the government tried to force migrants to stay in urban areas. However, it quickly became clear that the state did not have the administrative capacity to stop all migration. Moreover, heartrending stories of migrants facing hunger and extreme deprivation made such a strategy politically untenable as well. Various state government started repatriating large numbers of migrants, in the process spreading COVID-19 to poor states with limited hospital and testing capacity. At the same time, rural areas have been hard hit by India's economic crisis. There are few jobs available to returning migrants, adding more strain to already impoverished communities. Dealing with the twin public health and economic challenge will prove to be a Herculean challenge for India. Selected Sources: Emerging Pattern of Urbanisation in India, RB Bhagat Poverty and inequality in India: a re-examination, Angus Deaton, Jean Dreze Reforms and Regional Inequality in India, Sabyaschi Kal, S. Sakthivel Falling Water Tables - Sustaining Agriculture The challenges of groundwater management in India, Malik R.P.S Mumbai FAFSI conundrum, Alain Bertaud Decline of rental housing in India: the case of Mumbai, Vaidehi Tandel, Shirish Patel, Sahil Gandhi, Abhay Pethe and Kabir Agarwal Land Markets and Regional Government Rent Seeking Behavior, Kai Kajitani Why is Mobility in India so Low? Social Insurance, Inequality, and Growth, Kaivan Munshi , M The Impact of NREGS on Urbanization in India, Shamika Ravi, Rahul Ahluwalia
www.wealthofnationspodcast.com https://media.blubrry.com/wealthofnationspodcast/s/content.blubrry.com/wealthofnationspodcast/India-Rural_Migrants.mp3
submitted by gnikivar2 to neoliberal [link] [comments]


2020.09.23 08:56 InternetFreedomIn Don't let the National Digital Health Mission become the National Digital Surveillance and Exclusion Mission

Don't let the National Digital Health Mission become the National Digital Surveillance and Exclusion Mission

https://preview.redd.it/rip4s0xwhuo51.png?width=1024&format=png&auto=webp&s=ff406a1f78853c8b03c926522b05ae65f6fe3830

Tl;dr

On Monday, IFF wrote to the National Health Authority as part of the consultation being conducted for the National Digital Health Mission’s Health Data Management Policy. Our primary demands are that deployment of any digital health ID programme must be preceded by (a) enactment of general and sectoral data protection laws by the Parliament of India; and (b) meaningful public consultation which reaches out to vulnerable groups which face the greatest privacy risks.

Background

The public consultation being conducted by the National Health Authority for the National Digital Health Mission’s Health Data Management Policy (Draft Policy) has been the subject of intense controversy. Earlier this month, a petition was also filed before the Delhi High Court by Dr. Satendra Singh, a noted disability rights activist, which raised concerns about the unreasonably short deadline for submission of feedback at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, and highlighted how the existing process excludes persons with disabilities, non-English speakers and people without internet access (Read more here).
Subsequent to the hearing before the Delhi High Court, the National Health Authority announced that the deadline for submission of feedback would be extended till 21 September 2020 and people could send their feedback through offline modes such as post or courier as well. It also indicated that it was undertaking measures to make the consultation process accessible for persons with disabilities in accordance with existing government policy. However, despite these concessions, the consultation process still remained violative of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act 2016, Official Languages Act 1963 and the Pre-Legislative Consultation Policy 2014 (Read more here).

IFF’s submission to NHA

In our submission to the National Health Authority, we have highlighted five key legal and technical concerns associated with the Draft Policy and the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) more generally.
(i) Lack of data protection legislation
The submission emphasizes on the importance of an underlying legislative framework by relying on standards established by international bodies such as the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations HIV/AIDS Programme (UNAIDS) for national digital ID projects. Our submission notes that ensuring health data privacy requires legislation at three levels- comprehensive laws, sectoral laws and informal rules. Applying this framework to India, we demonstrate that India neither has a comprehensive law since the Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019 is still pending in Parliament, nor does it have a sectoral law like the proposed but yet to be enacted Digital Information Security in Healthcare Act, 2018. Viewed through this lens, the Draft Policy can at best be considered a set of informal rules which lack any statutory basis.
In addition to WHO, UNAIDS has also emphasized that national level privacy legislation is necessary to address privacy concerns associated with national health IDs. The UNAIDS Report further states that prior to deployment of any national health ID programme, “it is essential to engage with people living with HIV and members of key populations and other vulnerable groups, including sex workers, men who have sex with men, people who use drugs and people with disabilities, so potential concerns such as access to cards and care, risk of unlawful access and use by law enforcement agencies and others can be identified and addressed.” The consultation process for the Draft Policy which has only been published on the internet in English and which was not accessible for persons with disabilities clearly falls short of these standards established by UNAIDS.
(ii) De facto mandatory nature of Digital Health ID Programme
As reported by various media publications, registration for a health ID under the NDHM may be voluntary on paper but it is being made mandatory in practice by hospital administrators and heads of departments. As doctors from Chandigarh quoted in the Caravan note “It feels like strong-arming really...There is a hierarchy and we have to follow orders, even if they don’t give it in writing, if your HOD asks you to register you have to register” and “They keep asking to give constant updates on how many members from our department have registered with the health ID, and so everyone has to ensure they have registered otherwise the HOD will know, and who knows what the repercussions will be.”
The de facto mandatory nature of the digital health ID programme under NDHM can be addressed only if it supported by an underlying legislation which clearly places a bar on denial of healthcare services because of lack of a digital health ID, and prescribes strict penalties for erring government officials who make use of such health IDs mandatory.
(iii) Linkage of Aadhaar with Digital Health ID
The use of Aadhaar number for the purposes of authentication of identity at the time of registration raises serious privacy concerns about linkage of a person’s health data with other databases, and it increases the likelihood of the National Digital Health Ecosystem being connected with systems beyond the health sector.
Additionally, the non-inclusion of official identifiers like Aadhaar number within the definition of sensitive personal data under the Draft Policy is inconsistent with the government’s own Personal Data Protection Bill and may lead to inadequate protection being provided to Aadhaar details shared by participants in NDHM.
(iv) Risk of re-identification of anonymized data
The Draft Policy does not adequately address concerns about reidentification of de-identified or anonymized health data which is now widely understood to be a real threat. For instance, researchers have been able to re-identify 43% of known patients by matching de-identified data sets against news reports. Researchers have also found that 87% of the population in the United States can be uniquely identified based on only three characteristics - ZIP, gender, date of birth - and proven that any data set which includes these highly identifying characteristics cannot not be considered anonymized.
(v) Threat of data breaches
Executives in the healthcare sector have recognized the cybersecurity risks posed by the NDHM. Further, India has a past record of breaches of sensitive personal data like financial information. For instance, in 2016, 3.2 million debit cards were recalled by various banks due to a data breach. Any similar leak of sensitive health data collected as part of NDHM would cause severe and irreparable harm to millions of citizens which cannot be quantified or compensated in monetary terms. For this reason, it is essential that independent technical experts are provided more time to thoroughly scrutinize the National Digital Health Ecosystem’s technical design and there should be full disclosure of all information that is necessary to conduct such an independent evaluation.

Important Documents

  1. IFF’s submission dated 21.09.2020 to the National Health Authority (link)
submitted by InternetFreedomIn to india [link] [comments]


2020.09.23 07:34 its_my_36th_account Pakistan's vicious narco-terrorism plan in India and its connection to Khalistan movement. And other links about narcotics (including weed) funding terrorism in India.

https://www.opindia.com/2020/09/pakistan-khalistan-narco-terrorism-drugs-abuse/
One of the most notable uses of drug money and drug trafficking routes in terror operations in India was the 1993 terrorist attacks in Mumbai in which the Dawood Ibrahim gang was involved. It was found that the explosives used in the terror attack were brought to India using the same routes that the Dawood gang used to smuggle people, arms, and contraband. According to a report in Times of India, a US Congressional report described D-company as a criminal syndicate operation comprised of over 5,000 members active mainly in Pakistan, India, and the United Arab Emirates. The report suggested that it has a strategic alliance with ISI and has relationships with Islamists, including Lashkar-e-Taiba and al-Qaida.
India has been a victim of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism for decades. There have been several instances where drugs originated from Pakistan have been seized in India. Pakistan’s government in collaboration with the ISI is using narcotics to fund terrorism in India.In 1994, during an interview, Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said that Pakistan’s army chief and the head of its intelligence agency (ISI) proposed a detailed plan to use the heroin trade to fund military operations in 1991. Sharif added that though he disapproved of the “plan,” he had no source to verify if the ISI obeyed his orders or not. The neighboring country is also exploiting the religious sentiments of the Muslims in the bordering states of Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir, Rajasthan, and Gujarat. ISI often lures the economically backward Muslim population of these states for easy movement of drugs into different states of India that further helps in funding terrorism.
Siegfried O. Wolf in ‘Pakistan’s bigger plans of narco-terrorism’ said that in the last years, it had established smuggling networks across India, especially in the Kashmir Valley. The network helps in a steady supply of weapons and narcotics. After the major terrorist attacks in Uri and Pulwama, India increased security measures that resulted in the suspension of traditional smuggling routes. Pakistan shifted its concentration to other land-based trafficking routes via Punjab and Gujarat. Border Security forces have seized several consignments on the India-Pakistan border that contained both weapons and narcotics.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/pakistan-sponsored-narco-terror-is-form-of-asymmetric-warfare-against-india/articleshow/78201013.cms
The United States Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) is paying increasingly attention to the fact that ‘terrorist organisations use narcotics trafficking for the purpose of gaining revenue’ and fund their activities, according to the scholar. “It is argued here that, although state-sponsorship of terrorism is already deeply entrenched within Islamabad’s policies towards New Delhi, the ‘Narco-type’ not only constitutes one of its most brutal forms (due to its far reaching and long-lasting consequences ) but is also rapidly intensifying. Moreover, one can state that narco-terrorism in the Pakistani context blurs the line between narcotic traffickers, criminal networks (f. ex. D-Company), terrorists (f. ex. Lashkar-e-Taiba/LeT), and state agencies – foremost the country’s military and intelligence services (Inter-Service Intelligence/ISI).”
Pakistan’s primacy in the international narcotics trade and the funding of terrorist activities has been time and again confirmed by several investigation agencies worldwide, as well as by Pakistani sources, recalled Wolf. After the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan in 1996, the ISI shifted the focus of financing terrorism towards Kashmir.
There are clear indications that Pakistani-based narco-terrorist networks have stepped up their activities on the Indo-Pakistan international border and are making incessant attempts to push intruders, arms, ammunition, and narcotics into India, claimed Wolf. “International observers have started to describe Pakistan as a ‘Narcostate’ – based on the state-sponsorship of illicit activities conducted by the ISI and the military. The combined activities of drug traffickers, terrorist organizations, and Pakistani state agencies constitute an escalating danger to India’s state and society.”
https://www.unodc.org/pdf/technical_series_1998-01-01_1.pdf
Illicit opium crop cultivation is concentrated in certain areas, but frequently shifts within and sometimes between subregions and sometimes appears in areas where it was not previously given official cognizance. Most of the world's illicit opiates come from the countries of the Golden Crescent (Afghanistan, Iran (Islamic Republic of) and Pakistan), the Golden Triangle (Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar and Thailand), Lebanon and Mexico.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09700160108455325?journalCode=rsan20
Afghanistan and Pakistan alone shared nearly 6000 metric tons of the total illicit production in 1999. It is a matter of serious concern to India, because these drugs are the major source for funding Pak‐sponsored terrorism in this country.
https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/resources/docs/ISPSW_639_Routray_D'Souza.pdf
Proximity to the Golden Crescent, steady rise in domestic demand, and the thriving illicit networks’ ability to exploit the ungoverned spaces and porous borders are among the factors that are making India a new destination of drugs from Afghanistan. The contraband is entering India both through land as well as the maritime route. In this ‘nexus’ that has led to the growth of the drug trade, organized criminal networks, smugglers, local policemen, and politicians are tied in a symbiotic relationship. The situation may have improved marginally, according to the claims of the Indian authorities. However, to curb the growing trade and to break the ‘unholy nexus’ that sustains it, a regional counter-narcotics strategy combined with beefing up domestic laws and law enforcement capacities would be necessary.
http://www.ipcs.org/comm_select.php?articleNo=1113
Opium & Kashmir terrorism
In rare joint operations recently, conducted by the Army and the DRI, huge cache of drugs and arms, including an AK-56 rifle, 15 hand grenades, five pistols, 12 detonators of IEDs and 234 rounds of ammunition, were seized. The Afghan variety of drug is being pumped into Kashmir, via Pakistan, which is further pushed into Punjab via Jammu. Army intelligence sources are also said to have established strong links between Kashmiri terrorists and drug trafficking in Punjab. The recent terror attack in Amritsar and the reported presence of Zakir Musa in the holy city is believed to be part of the same chain.
Media reports also suggest that Kashmiri farmers, especially in South Kashmir, are being forced into cultivating poppy to generate funds to finance street rage and terrorist violence. While the focus of the national media has largely been on drug abuse among the youth in Punjab, the scenario in J&K is no less frightening. According to the United Nations Drug Control Programme (UNDCP), there are about 70,000 substance abusers present in the Valley, out of which 31 percent are women. According to addiction data published by the Government Psychiatric Hospital, Srinagar, around 90 percent drug abusers belong to the age group of 17-35.
https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/narco-terrorism-kashmir-pakistan-new-strategy-46345/
Connection between Ganja & Maoist terrorism
People should have a look at the Ganja seizures stats in India. Most Ganja originates in the Andhra-Orissa border, dominated by the Naxalites, grown by forced labour. A prime source of income for the Maoist crooks. The economics is just not as simple as getting high on a joint.
One of the major reasons for Ganja still being banned in India is this economics. Various central agencies (led by DRI) have had huge hauls of Ganja in recent years. This has broken the economic spine of Naxalism. Noone wants revolution on an empty stomach.
Just google for Ganja seizures in India. Raids as far as UP/MP often have a connection leading back to the Agency area of Andhra or Koraput district in Odisha. If you think this entire domestic trade isn't benefitting the Maoists, you have surely lost the plot.
So for you urban college folk or twitter warriors, it's just a joint. Just weed.
But in reality, it isn't. It's the way India has been battling (and quite successfully), its greatest internal security threat. The threat of Left Wing Extremism in the East of the country.
The police/paramilitary actions you see in the front are just a part of the overt war. This is the other covert war, economic warfare where you starve your opponent to smoke them out. And Ganja raids are a big part of it. So think before you dismiss it as just a joint. The end.
And even as we talk, my colleagues in DRI Bhubaneswar have seized 550 kilos of Ganja enroute to Bihar from AP Ganja Worth Rs 80 Lakh Seized From Vegetable-Laden Truck In Bhubaneswar
https://odishatv.in/odisha-news/ganja-worth-rs-80-lakh-seized-from-vegetable-laden-truck-in-bhubaneswar-
Here. Adding to the list. Ganja stashed in a secret underground chamber in Gulbarga seized by Bangalore police. Origin- Orissa.
https://bangaloremirror.indiatimes.com/bangalore/crime/bengaluru-police-bust-major-drug-racket-seize-1-3-tonnes-of-ganja-in-kalaburagi/articleshow/78038562.cms
Here you go. One more Ganja case in Odisha. Gajapati district now. Abuts the erstwhile Koraput district. Part of the Red Corridor
https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1304310311965675520
News articles about ganja money funding Maoist terrorism
According to police sources, Maoists are into large scale cultivation of ganja to finance their terror machinery. Police and Excise personnel are afraid to raid the ganja fields as the Maoists have planted land mines around the plantations. Only the Tribals and Maoists know how to enter the fields without disturbing the explosives.
“They are culmtivating the weed everywhere. Encouraged by the Maoists and the smart returns, the Tribals have taken to ganja cultivation in a big way. In the border areas, it is the main source of income for the Maoists. It is a fact that the Excise officials have limitations in locating the plantations and destroying them.
https://www.newindianexpress.com/states/andhra-pradesh/2015/ap13/Ganja-Money-Powering-Maoist-Terror-741669.html
https://www.satp.org/terrorism-update/maoists-into-cultivation-of-cannabis-in-andhra-pradesh-says-police
The Visakhapatnam District rural Police on August 6, claimed that the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres are taking to cannabis (ganja) cultivation in the agency area of Andhra Pradesh, reports The Times of India. As per the Police, the nexus between Maoists and cannabis traders came to the fore after the arrest of one Kolakani Kamesh from Maddigaruvu area in Gangaraju Madugula Mandal (administrative sub-division) in the District on August 5. “We always knew Maoists collect levy from ganja traders. Now we have come to know that they are into ganja cultivation too,” said Satish Kumar, Officer on Special Duty (OSD), anti-Maoist operations.
Kamesh was arrested by Gangaraju Madugula Police on August 5, and INR 1,76,000 in cash, 24 kilograms of ganja, two steel carriages, 10 detonators, nuts and bolts were recovered from his residence. Kamesh, during interrogation, accepted that he had been working for Maoists for the last four years. He also said that he was contacted by Maoist couple – Ashok and his wife Lakshmi, who used to supply him ganja stock. “He would use the money from the sale to procure food material even explosives for Maoists. They are now engaging local tribals to cultivate ganja,” said the OSD.
https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/maoists-getting-arms-from-ganja-traders/article7562860.ece
https://idsa.in/idsacomments/IndiasMaoistsFinancingthewarmachinery_pvraman_271213
https://naxalwatch.blogspot.com/2020/09/mangaluru-ganja-supply-has-its-roots-in.html
Pakistan-drugs-Khalistan link
Though the connection between Khalistan and drug trafficking via Pakistan can be traced back to more than four decades, there has been an increase in such cases in recent times. Here are some notable cases that help in exploring the connection between Pakistan’s ISI and Khalistan Movement.
532 KG heroin was seized on Attari Border, Amritsar in June 2019. It was being brought via trade route hidden in hundreds of rock salt bags. The main accused, Ranjeet Singh Rana, was arrested in May 2020 in Haryana. His location was revealed during interrogation Bikram Singh and Maninder Singh, who were accomplices of Hilal Ahmed Wagay, a close associate of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Riyaz Naikoo. When Bikram was arrested, he was en route to deliver 29 lakh of drug money to Wagay.
In July 2019, there were reports that Pakistan based Khalistani terrorists are smuggling drugs in India to fuel terror-activities in Punjab. The report mentioned three instances linked to Paramjit Singh Panjwar, chief of Khalistan Commando Force, a terrorist organisation, based in Lahore since 1994. In May 2019, six Pakistani fishermen were arrested for smuggling 218 KG narcotics on Gujarat border. On 26th May the Maldivian police intercepted an Iranian boat with a Pakistani national and seized large quantity of drugs that were supposed to be delivered in India. On 10th July, based on Indian Intelligence’s inputs, Sri Lankan coast guard seized 50 KG heroin from a Pakistani boat.
According to a report of February 2020, the Khalistan Liberation Force leader Harmeet Singh “PHD” was killed in Pakistan over a rivalry between two groups as they wanted to have control over drug money. Singh was wanted in 17 cases by Indian security forces. The Hindu quoted an anonymous source who stated the recent increase in drug trafficking has resulted in the generation of huge money for the syndicates that they are using to push weapons for terror activities in India.
Current Bollywood development:
https://www.opindia.com/2020/09/ncb-claims-pakistan-link-to-bollywood-drag-racket-sushant-singh-rajput-case/
According to the report, one NCB official privy to the investigations into the drug angle in film actor Sushant Singh Rajput’s death said that the department is working on tracing the backtrail from consumer to peddler to supplier to those controlling the trade.
“We have a fair idea as to who is involved in the Bollywood drug scene and (who the) Mumbai suppliers (are). The evidence is being collected before the consumers of hard drugs including heroin, cocaine and methamphetamine and their suppliers are charged,” said the senior NCB official on the condition of anonymity.
He informed that the main Amritsar link is expected to be summoned this week by NCB.
And NIA is officially joining the Bollywood drugs investigation today.
https://twitter.com/Soumyadipta/status/1308458146491322368
Those keeping abreast with news might remember 2 months back the Home Ministry had requested the Bollywoods to stop supporting terrorists & Pakistanis fomenting terrorism in Kashmir. Hark back to Shah Rukh Khan's link with Tony Ashai, Bollywoods performing and raising money for Pakistani terrorist functionaries in US.
If you think government is going after drugs and Bollywood because Anurag Kashyap whines against Modi, you need to go a doctor to ask if you can get a brain transplant.
submitted by its_my_36th_account to indianews [link] [comments]


2020.09.23 05:31 its_my_36th_account Pakistan's vicious narco-terrorism plan in India and its connection to Khalistan movement. And other links about narcoterrorism funding terrorism in India.

https://www.opindia.com/2020/09/pakistan-khalistan-narco-terrorism-drugs-abuse/
One of the most notable uses of drug money and drug trafficking routes in terror operations in India was the 1993 terrorist attacks in Mumbai in which the Dawood Ibrahim gang was involved. It was found that the explosives used in the terror attack were brought to India using the same routes that the Dawood gang used to smuggle people, arms, and contraband. According to a report in Times of India, a US Congressional report described D-company as a criminal syndicate operation comprised of over 5,000 members active mainly in Pakistan, India, and the United Arab Emirates. The report suggested that it has a strategic alliance with ISI and has relationships with Islamists, including Lashkar-e-Taiba and al-Qaida.
India has been a victim of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism for decades. There have been several instances where drugs originated from Pakistan have been seized in India. Pakistan’s government in collaboration with the ISI is using narcotics to fund terrorism in India.In 1994, during an interview, Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said that Pakistan’s army chief and the head of its intelligence agency (ISI) proposed a detailed plan to use the heroin trade to fund military operations in 1991. Sharif added that though he disapproved of the “plan,” he had no source to verify if the ISI obeyed his orders or not. The neighboring country is also exploiting the religious sentiments of the Muslims in the bordering states of Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir, Rajasthan, and Gujarat. ISI often lures the economically backward Muslim population of these states for easy movement of drugs into different states of India that further helps in funding terrorism.
Siegfried O. Wolf in ‘Pakistan’s bigger plans of narco-terrorism’ said that in the last years, it had established smuggling networks across India, especially in the Kashmir Valley. The network helps in a steady supply of weapons and narcotics. After the major terrorist attacks in Uri and Pulwama, India increased security measures that resulted in the suspension of traditional smuggling routes. Pakistan shifted its concentration to other land-based trafficking routes via Punjab and Gujarat. Border Security forces have seized several consignments on the India-Pakistan border that contained both weapons and narcotics.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/pakistan-sponsored-narco-terror-is-form-of-asymmetric-warfare-against-india/articleshow/78201013.cms
The United States Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) is paying increasingly attention to the fact that ‘terrorist organisations use narcotics trafficking for the purpose of gaining revenue’ and fund their activities, according to the scholar. “It is argued here that, although state-sponsorship of terrorism is already deeply entrenched within Islamabad’s policies towards New Delhi, the ‘Narco-type’ not only constitutes one of its most brutal forms (due to its far reaching and long-lasting consequences ) but is also rapidly intensifying. Moreover, one can state that narco-terrorism in the Pakistani context blurs the line between narcotic traffickers, criminal networks (f. ex. D-Company), terrorists (f. ex. Lashkar-e-Taiba/LeT), and state agencies – foremost the country’s military and intelligence services (Inter-Service Intelligence/ISI).”
Pakistan’s primacy in the international narcotics trade and the funding of terrorist activities has been time and again confirmed by several investigation agencies worldwide, as well as by Pakistani sources, recalled Wolf. After the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan in 1996, the ISI shifted the focus of financing terrorism towards Kashmir.
There are clear indications that Pakistani-based narco-terrorist networks have stepped up their activities on the Indo-Pakistan international border and are making incessant attempts to push intruders, arms, ammunition, and narcotics into India, claimed Wolf. “International observers have started to describe Pakistan as a ‘Narcostate’ – based on the state-sponsorship of illicit activities conducted by the ISI and the military. The combined activities of drug traffickers, terrorist organizations, and Pakistani state agencies constitute an escalating danger to India’s state and society.”
https://www.unodc.org/pdf/technical_series_1998-01-01_1.pdf
Illicit opium crop cultivation is concentrated in certain areas, but frequently shifts within and sometimes between subregions and sometimes appears in areas where it was not previously given official cognizance. Most of the world's illicit opiates come from the countries of the Golden Crescent (Afghanistan, Iran (Islamic Republic of) and Pakistan), the Golden Triangle (Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar and Thailand), Lebanon and Mexico.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09700160108455325?journalCode=rsan20
Afghanistan and Pakistan alone shared nearly 6000 metric tons of the total illicit production in 1999. It is a matter of serious concern to India, because these drugs are the major source for funding Pak‐sponsored terrorism in this country.
https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/resources/docs/ISPSW_639_Routray_D'Souza.pdf
Proximity to the Golden Crescent, steady rise in domestic demand, and the thriving illicit networks’ ability to exploit the ungoverned spaces and porous borders are among the factors that are making India a new destination of drugs from Afghanistan. The contraband is entering India both through land as well as the maritime route. In this ‘nexus’ that has led to the growth of the drug trade, organized criminal networks, smugglers, local policemen, and politicians are tied in a symbiotic relationship. The situation may have improved marginally, according to the claims of the Indian authorities. However, to curb the growing trade and to break the ‘unholy nexus’ that sustains it, a regional counter-narcotics strategy combined with beefing up domestic laws and law enforcement capacities would be necessary.
http://www.ipcs.org/comm_select.php?articleNo=1113
Opium & Kashmir terrorism
In rare joint operations recently, conducted by the Army and the DRI, huge cache of drugs and arms, including an AK-56 rifle, 15 hand grenades, five pistols, 12 detonators of IEDs and 234 rounds of ammunition, were seized. The Afghan variety of drug is being pumped into Kashmir, via Pakistan, which is further pushed into Punjab via Jammu. Army intelligence sources are also said to have established strong links between Kashmiri terrorists and drug trafficking in Punjab. The recent terror attack in Amritsar and the reported presence of Zakir Musa in the holy city is believed to be part of the same chain.
Media reports also suggest that Kashmiri farmers, especially in South Kashmir, are being forced into cultivating poppy to generate funds to finance street rage and terrorist violence. While the focus of the national media has largely been on drug abuse among the youth in Punjab, the scenario in J&K is no less frightening. According to the United Nations Drug Control Programme (UNDCP), there are about 70,000 substance abusers present in the Valley, out of which 31 percent are women. According to addiction data published by the Government Psychiatric Hospital, Srinagar, around 90 percent drug abusers belong to the age group of 17-35.
https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/narco-terrorism-kashmir-pakistan-new-strategy-46345/
Connection between Ganja & Maoist terrorism
People should have a look at the Ganja seizures stats in India. Most Ganja originates in the Andhra-Orissa border, dominated by the Naxalites, grown by forced labour. A prime source of income for the Maoist crooks. The economics is just not as simple as getting high on a joint.
One of the major reasons for Ganja still being banned in India is this economics. Various central agencies (led by DRI) have had huge hauls of Ganja in recent years. This has broken the economic spine of Naxalism. Noone wants revolution on an empty stomach.
Just google for Ganja seizures in India. Raids as far as UP/MP often have a connection leading back to the Agency area of Andhra or Koraput district in Odisha. If you think this entire domestic trade isn't benefitting the Maoists, you have surely lost the plot.
So for you urban college folk or twitter warriors, it's just a joint. Just weed.
But in reality, it isn't. It's the way India has been battling (and quite successfully), its greatest internal security threat. The threat of Left Wing Extremism in the East of the country.
The police/paramilitary actions you see in the front are just a part of the overt war. This is the other covert war, economic warfare where you starve your opponent to smoke them out. And Ganja raids are a big part of it. So think before you dismiss it as just a joint. The end.
And even as we talk, my colleagues in DRI Bhubaneswar have seized 550 kilos of Ganja enroute to Bihar from AP Ganja Worth Rs 80 Lakh Seized From Vegetable-Laden Truck In Bhubaneswar
https://odishatv.in/odisha-news/ganja-worth-rs-80-lakh-seized-from-vegetable-laden-truck-in-bhubaneswar-
Here. Adding to the list. Ganja stashed in a secret underground chamber in Gulbarga seized by Bangalore police. Origin- Orissa.
https://bangaloremirror.indiatimes.com/bangalore/crime/bengaluru-police-bust-major-drug-racket-seize-1-3-tonnes-of-ganja-in-kalaburagi/articleshow/78038562.cms
Here you go. One more Ganja case in Odisha. Gajapati district now. Abuts the erstwhile Koraput district. Part of the Red Corridor
https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1304310311965675520
News articles about ganja money funding Maoist terrorism
According to police sources, Maoists are into large scale cultivation of ganja to finance their terror machinery. Police and Excise personnel are afraid to raid the ganja fields as the Maoists have planted land mines around the plantations. Only the Tribals and Maoists know how to enter the fields without disturbing the explosives.
“They are culmtivating the weed everywhere. Encouraged by the Maoists and the smart returns, the Tribals have taken to ganja cultivation in a big way. In the border areas, it is the main source of income for the Maoists. It is a fact that the Excise officials have limitations in locating the plantations and destroying them.
https://www.newindianexpress.com/states/andhra-pradesh/2015/ap13/Ganja-Money-Powering-Maoist-Terror-741669.html
https://www.satp.org/terrorism-update/maoists-into-cultivation-of-cannabis-in-andhra-pradesh-says-police
The Visakhapatnam District rural Police on August 6, claimed that the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres are taking to cannabis (ganja) cultivation in the agency area of Andhra Pradesh, reports The Times of India. As per the Police, the nexus between Maoists and cannabis traders came to the fore after the arrest of one Kolakani Kamesh from Maddigaruvu area in Gangaraju Madugula Mandal (administrative sub-division) in the District on August 5. “We always knew Maoists collect levy from ganja traders. Now we have come to know that they are into ganja cultivation too,” said Satish Kumar, Officer on Special Duty (OSD), anti-Maoist operations.
Kamesh was arrested by Gangaraju Madugula Police on August 5, and INR 1,76,000 in cash, 24 kilograms of ganja, two steel carriages, 10 detonators, nuts and bolts were recovered from his residence. Kamesh, during interrogation, accepted that he had been working for Maoists for the last four years. He also said that he was contacted by Maoist couple – Ashok and his wife Lakshmi, who used to supply him ganja stock. “He would use the money from the sale to procure food material even explosives for Maoists. They are now engaging local tribals to cultivate ganja,” said the OSD.
https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/maoists-getting-arms-from-ganja-traders/article7562860.ece
https://idsa.in/idsacomments/IndiasMaoistsFinancingthewarmachinery_pvraman_271213
https://naxalwatch.blogspot.com/2020/09/mangaluru-ganja-supply-has-its-roots-in.html
Pakistan-drugs-Khalistan link
Though the connection between Khalistan and drug trafficking via Pakistan can be traced back to more than four decades, there has been an increase in such cases in recent times. Here are some notable cases that help in exploring the connection between Pakistan’s ISI and Khalistan Movement.
532 KG heroin was seized on Attari Border, Amritsar in June 2019. It was being brought via trade route hidden in hundreds of rock salt bags. The main accused, Ranjeet Singh Rana, was arrested in May 2020 in Haryana. His location was revealed during interrogation Bikram Singh and Maninder Singh, who were accomplices of Hilal Ahmed Wagay, a close associate of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Riyaz Naikoo. When Bikram was arrested, he was en route to deliver 29 lakh of drug money to Wagay.
In July 2019, there were reports that Pakistan based Khalistani terrorists are smuggling drugs in India to fuel terror-activities in Punjab. The report mentioned three instances linked to Paramjit Singh Panjwar, chief of Khalistan Commando Force, a terrorist organisation, based in Lahore since 1994. In May 2019, six Pakistani fishermen were arrested for smuggling 218 KG narcotics on Gujarat border. On 26th May the Maldivian police intercepted an Iranian boat with a Pakistani national and seized large quantity of drugs that were supposed to be delivered in India. On 10th July, based on Indian Intelligence’s inputs, Sri Lankan coast guard seized 50 KG heroin from a Pakistani boat.
According to a report of February 2020, the Khalistan Liberation Force leader Harmeet Singh “PHD” was killed in Pakistan over a rivalry between two groups as they wanted to have control over drug money. Singh was wanted in 17 cases by Indian security forces. The Hindu quoted an anonymous source who stated the recent increase in drug trafficking has resulted in the generation of huge money for the syndicates that they are using to push weapons for terror activities in India.
Current Bollywood development:
https://www.opindia.com/2020/09/ncb-claims-pakistan-link-to-bollywood-drag-racket-sushant-singh-rajput-case/
According to the report, one NCB official privy to the investigations into the drug angle in film actor Sushant Singh Rajput’s death said that the department is working on tracing the backtrail from consumer to peddler to supplier to those controlling the trade.
“We have a fair idea as to who is involved in the Bollywood drug scene and (who the) Mumbai suppliers (are). The evidence is being collected before the consumers of hard drugs including heroin, cocaine and methamphetamine and their suppliers are charged,” said the senior NCB official on the condition of anonymity.
He informed that the main Amritsar link is expected to be summoned this week by NCB.
And NIA is officially joining the Bollywood drugs investigation today.
https://twitter.com/Soumyadipta/status/1308458146491322368
Those keeping abreast with news might remember 2 months back the Home Ministry had requested the Bollywoods to stop supporting terrorists & Pakistanis fomenting terrorism in Kashmir. Hark back to Shah Rukh Khan's link with Tony Ashai, Bollywoods performing and raising money for Pakistani terrorist functionaries in US.
If you think government is going after drugs and Bollywood because Anurag Kashyap whines against Modi, you need to go a doctor to ask if you can get a brain transplant.
submitted by its_my_36th_account to IndiaSpeaks [link] [comments]


2020.09.15 19:36 removalbot 09-15 17:36 - 'Zhenhua Data leak: personal details of millions around world gathered by China tech company' (timesofindia.indiatimes.com) by /u/Abhishek_Kasana removed from /r/india within 128-138min

Zhenhua Data leak: personal details of millions around world gathered by China tech company
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Author: Abhishek_Kasana
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2020.09.14 15:42 4chanbakchod Newsletter Recommendations

Why newsletters? Visiting your favorite website/blog is tiresome and will take your time. Newsletters will send you a weekly mail containing all the best articles of the week to your inbox.
Tip : In order to avoid spam to your original mail account. Create a new gmail account which has the only pupose for newsletters.
if you are stuck for getting a unused username, use username like this "[email protected]" with this you can save your privacy too.

Indian Newsletters :

https://indianexpress.com/newsletters/
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/newsletterhome.cms
https://finshots.in/
https://drishtikone.com/

General :

https://unreadit.com/
https://www.visualcapitalist.com/subscribe/
https://informationisbeautiful.net/newslette
https://www.morningbrew.com/
https://www.statista.com/newslettesubscription
https://stratechery.com/
Tech :
wont link :D . google it yourselves and subscribe. But these are some of the best. I do recommend following company blogs for better articles.
HackerNewsLetter
Labnotes
Changelog
Tech brew
tldr
Stratechery
lLabnotes
Techmeme
javascript,founders,python weekly
Product Hunt
Dev Awesome
If you have newsletter recommendation related to ANYTHING. do drop if below
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2020.09.14 09:19 loadedsoul1 The ad match: Bollywood endorsement pie to shrink further

NEW DELHI: Bollywood has lost out to cricketers—even retired ones--in celebrity advertising volumes on television, according to the latest TAM AdEx data.
Ad volumes of endorsements by movie actors dropped 30% from the year earlier in the period.
Industry executives attributed the dulling of Bollywood’s sheen to a combination of factors, including a backlash over events following actor Sushant Singh’s death and anti-China sentiment that’s made the country’s brands wary of showing celebs endorsing their products, while shoots had to be cancelled because of Covid. Big celebrity endorsement deals have dried up since March, and while brands are advertising, they have cut down on high-cost endorsements, industry executives said.
The industry expects the Bollywood pie to shrink further with the issue that’s consumed TV channels and social media expected to escalate in the coming weeks.
“The celebrity endorsement business was already reeling with Covid-driven pressures,” said Manish Porwal, managing director at Alchemist, a celebrity management firm that works with L'Oreal and CavinKare among others.
“With the new issues and the possibility of specific celebrity names coming under the law scanner for possible abuse of drugs, we expect an 18-21% further dip in celebrity deals (value terms). We also expect a 30% drop in consumer loss of equity of top 50 stars and a significant drop of usage of commercials already using these celebrities.”
Link
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2020.09.13 09:21 iaxeuanswerme The youth need to shut their phones and ask about the economy

While this may be far lower priority item for Indians busy solving Bollywood conspiracies, it is worth noting that the Indian economy is in big trouble. The GDP shrunk by 23.9% last quarter, a level not completely unexpected but terrible and unprecedented nonetheless. It doesn’t matter if it is coronavirus, God, government policies or a combination of all of these factors that caused it. It’s like a spilt bowl of milk in the kitchen. We can argue all day whether someone kicked it, it fell on its own or the cat spilt it. The point is, there is no more milk in the house, and we need to replenish it. We need to bring our economy back.
The belief that the last quarter was an anomaly, and there will be a strong bounce-back is too optimistic. I hope it happens this way. However, there is reason to believe it won’t. Demonetisation, a one-off event, lasted a mere two months. It derailed India’s economic growth momentum for years. Similarly, once the GDP contracts so much, it leads to effects such as business shutdowns, job losses, bank loan defaults and loss of confidence. Once something breaks, it doesn’t bounce back. Also, if we continue to hold the fatalistic belief that ‘God created the problem, God will only fix it,’ well, it won’t be fixed. God gave us all a brain, which can be used to figure out solutions to get out of a problem.
The first step is to acknowledge the problem. Making creative charts to show the US contracted more (untrue, it didn’t. It couldn’t. The US never had such a severe lockdown, and it pumped in trillions of dollars as fiscal stimulus to people) is not going to solve our problem. Frankly, if we celebrated having the strictest, toughest lockdown in the world (‘kamaal kar diya,’ is what many said then), then this loss of GDP is the bill for that. A big bill, indeed. Now, as a developing nation we will maybe realise our limits and not compete with the world’s richest nations that can afford shutdowns a lot more than we can. The high Covid cases also shows such a draconian lockdown was unnecessary. Maybe it came from the Hindu view — give yourself pain and God will be kind. This love for ‘kasht’ is why we had weekend lockdowns, curfews, and other irrational things that had more to do with babus and RWA presidents enjoying controlling people than the disease. It didn’t work.
Once we acknowledge the problem, we Indians have to look deep within. What do we want? Do we want to be a rich nation? Rich people? A superpower? It won’t come from buying a dozen planes, making ads or making high-pitched nationalist or religious chants. All that is fake, stupid and senseless. It comes from low self-esteem, a chronic problem with Indians. We, the Indians, are desperate to feel validated that we are good enough. Stop, please. The real deal is becoming a rich country. No poor country is respected in the world, no matter how great its history, how wonderful its traditions, how tasty its food. You want respect for India? Help India get rich. This means we focus on the economy and condemn any behaviours that harm it. Right now, we do the opposite. For instance, social unrest that comes from Hindu-Muslim issues really upsets business sentiment. Nobody in their right mind will invest in a country where people hate each other. Another issue is the government and its babus’ deep desire to control every business through policy and regulations. Letting go, like they say in yoga, is not something any Indian government understands. Let go. Open the economy up. Like really.
At an immediate level, the government needs to give a real fiscal stimulus. As a poor nation, we can’t have a big stimulus. But whatever it is, it has to be a real one, not just numbers that grab headlines.
To make the government act on the economy, it also needs to see the public care for it. Right now, our youth — ironically, the most affected — doesn’t really care. An entire generation will be unemployed or underemployed. White-collar workers will become delivery boys (already happening). Common Indians will become poorer and serve the few rich and elite. That’s right, back to India of the 1980s. Yet, the youth is busy in their phones, lost in their cheap 4G data packs, watching silly videos, playing video games, consuming porn and maybe fighting with people on social media all day. It’s all useless stuff. It’s also highly distracting, from their own personal goals, as well as national issues. Cheap data has been our youth’s bane, where they waste hours watching the circus while the kingdom could burn. The youth needs to shut that phone and rise. Focus on their dreams, their goals, their aspirations and making money, so that it contributes to the Indian economy. They need to keep asking questions — why isn’t there more growth?
India’s future is in our hands. We can become a poor nation of under-employed clerks and delivery boys fighting with each other, or we can become a rich nation and earn respect in the world. Which side are you on?

By Chetan Bhagat
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/The-underage-optimist/the-youth-need-to-shut-their-phones-and-ask-about-the-economy/
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2020.09.09 02:15 clme Scientific evidence and cross-country variability in cloth mask policies

LAST UPDATED on 24 September 2020
This post focuses strictly on the controversial issue of recommending or mandating cloth masks for the general public during COVID-19. For a regularly updated executive summary of the evolving scientific understanding of COVID-19 in general, see here. Overall, the available scientific and policy evidence indicates that mandating or even just formally recommending to the general public to wear a cloth mask in nonhealthcare settings is unwise. These 23 highly respected Canadian epidemiologists and public health experts have recommended the following standard for all COVID-19 related policies:
COVID-19 control must be balanced with basic human rights. People need to be empowered to make informed choices about their own lives and the level of risk they are prepared to accept. Universal public health measures are appropriate only when they are truly necessary, supported by strong evidence, and when there are no other alternatives...Any requirements for mandatory masks must be based on strong evidence...
Bearing in mind the foregoing standard, what follows is a review of the academic literature demonstrating that the requirement for strong evidence is not being met (the other components of the foregoing standard pertaining to human rights and personal autonomy are discussed in section #2 of this post):
Note: This is the expanded and updated section #1 of my older long post on masks. I exceeded the maximum numbers of characters allowed, and therefore had to split the initial post, with the former section #1 moved here as a separate thread. I will regularly update it.
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2020.09.08 19:02 default_4 Our responsibility for the news we choose to pay attention to.

There’s a news story I’ve tried very hard not to pay attention to for the last three months. I haven’t clicked on links about it, I’ve stayed away from news channels covering it, I’ve done my best to tune out when friends have brought it up.
I’m not avoiding it because it isn’t interesting. On the contrary, it’s nothing if not interesting. It involves death and drugs, a grieving girlfriend turned murder suspect, an estranged father turned enraged avenger, a boys’ trip to Bangkok, an A-list actress playing investigator, crores of rupees and just as many conspiracy theories, a therapist breaching confidentiality, WhatsApp screenshots, corpse photos, briefcases with leaked documents. Twists, turns, nightly newsbreaks, each relentlessly interesting.
Most interesting of all is, of course, that I know all of this unwillingly, without once going out of my way to learn it. All it’s taken is scrolling through Twitter’s trending topics once in a while. A FaceTime with a friend who heard a juicy rumour and just had to tell someone. An update passed around the dinner table casually, like achaar. Or letting an Instagram video auto-play a second too long before scrolling past. Without wanting to, I’ve seen how fanatically the news anchors are leaping out of their seats to tell this story and how breathlessly the nation has risen up to help.
It reminds me of when I was a bratty infant refusing to finish a meal, and Ma would carry me to the window of our living room. She’d point down at a man on the street, saying he was a raakshas sent here from another world. A woman passerby would turn princess-in-disguise. Ma’s voice would rise and fall with each plot-point and while I got lost in thrall to the fantasy playing out outside, Ma would slip lauki-roti morsels into my now pliant, unthinkingly chewing mouth.
Maybe I pay attention to demands on my attention because being thus duped as a baby taught me a couple of things about attention and distraction, about distraction and vigilance. Or, much more likely, it’s because I spent most of my career working in digital media or, as it’s been referred to since Esther Dyson coined the term in the early 2010s, the attention economy — an ecosystem in which audience’s attentions are gathered for the ultimate benefit of funders and advertisers. I spent years attention-capturing and I know how precious a commodity attention is. I recognise the tricks used to capture it. They paid my bills for years.
In lockdown, we’ve all had plenty of attention to spare. Aside from the occasional mask-on walk, my life for the last six months has been contained to two locations, both in the same room: a bed, on which I sleep and scroll, and a desk three feet from the bed, at which I write and scroll. My entire universe of happenings unfolds on screens. No parties, no travel, no dates, no drinking, no commute. Just endless unoccupied attention, lying in wait to be grabbed.
This is a dangerous way for a citizenry to exist – bored and looking for things to look at. It frees us up to look in some inconvenient directions. Say, at our crashed GDP and unprecedented unemployment numbers. At a pandemic so mismanaged that India has broken global records for illness. An escalating threat of war with China, a farcical Supreme Court contempt charge, wrongfully jailed activists, police pellet-firing at citizens in Kashmir, students being made to risk illness to sit exams, a dangerously invasive health data policy – take your pick. Each of these stories is worthy of a hundred primetime debates.
And yet, twice this week, when panelists brought up the GDP on major news channels, they were shouted down by the anchors for distracting from the real issue at hand: the story I’m trying not to think about.
I’m not going to spin conspiracy theories of my own here, about who wants to distract us and from what. I’ll only tell you what I said to a family member I love deeply earlier in the week: Every single day from today till the day you die, news and content companies will draw your attention to a new story. A new event. Each of these events will be made to feel like the most important thing that’s ever happened – it will feel like everyone is thinking and talking about this thing, and so you must know and think about it too.
When you feel that pull on your attention, that hook tethering you to your screen, when the anchor’s rising and falling voice is ringing through your home, you must ask yourself a few questions. Does this story affect my life or the lives of my loved ones? Is this a story I can do anything helpful about? Is this a story being told to me for my benefit?
If the answer to these questions is no, please look away as soon as you can manage it. Your attention is precious. What you think about is who you are.
You must also ask: Are there other things going on? Things that do impact me or my community, that I’m being made to look away from? Things I can or should do something about? And if those answers are yes, you must turn your head and look. Refuse your reduction to a disobedient infant kept occupied by made-up fantasies. Look for the lauki. When you find it, show it to everyone you know.
Source
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2020.09.07 11:56 daminiofficial QUARANTINE YOURSELF NOT YOUR BRAND

As publicists, brand marketers and agency owners, many of us are not prepared for coronavirus. Most of us have never lived during a pandemic, let alone personally experienced one. This will not be a crisis that will go away any time soon. As marketers, don’t keep marketing with your head in the sand. So no matter what your opinion of the merit of this virus and its threat to society, there’s no denying that it is creating a multiplier effect on what was already a trend towards online buying behaviour vs. offline. There was no doubt that our newer generations were already living predominantly digital lifestyles…opting for their devices vs real-world buying and decision-making behaviour. But this current outbreak is going to take it to a whole other level forcing people of all ages to rethink how they live their lives and how they buy. If you own a business or influence one, now is the time to really think hard about how your business is investing in its online strategies and whether you’re prepared to cater to this new world.
“Internal traffic is not internal! With so many employees working remotely right now, this may influence your digital analytics data! Your typical filter won’t catch workers working remotely unless they are possibly using a VPN or other remote network connection. This means your employees might be counted in your analytics metrics, even though you had previously created a filter for this.”
📷
The beauty of social media during this pandemic is its ability to build companionship through digital platforms. A change in routine, different work settings, and social distancing have been tough for many. But there is a level of hopefulness in knowing that we can and will continue to communicate with each other with the help of the internet. The tone conveyed by businesses and individuals has varied, but it is important to remain optimistic while not making light of the situation when navigating your digital marketing presence during this time. While all businesses are not expected to provide their two cents on the virus, there is nothing wrong with posting or sharing messages on the pandemic’s secondary effects that you do have some expertise on. Social media is going to be a mainstay for everybody staying at home during this time. And it’s something that you can work on and improve in the background. Make sure all of your information is up to date. Look for ways to spice up your social profiles and feeds. Upload pertinent content that keeps you and your brand top of mind, but also speaks to the needs of your audience.
We do think it’s important that we focus on the possibilities and put forth the kind of creative effort that will help us emerge stronger than ever. Encourage positive dialogue and open the door for creative suggestions from your team on ways your business can adapt to what’s happening. Think of this time as a blessing to devote the time to our business that before we could never seem to find. Adaptability, communication, service and transparency are the critical areas that, as business owners, we need to master right now. Let’s put into action the things we always say we want to do but never have time to fully plan out.

“TAKE A RISK AND KEEP TESTING, BECAUSE WHAT WORKS TODAY WON’T WORK TOMORROW”

We all have those projects that we put on the back burner, waiting for when things slow down. Well, now is your time to dig out those projects and give them your full attention. This could include writing a book, updating your brand messaging, creating and publishing a new website, creating a video or podcast, designing a new offer, or even developing a thought leadership strategy. Whatever it may be, now is the time to do it. In a time of uncertainty, businesses need to prioritize consumers and employees’ safety.
📷
Be kind and aware of the situation. The brands that do this best will undoubtedly rebound most quickly once the COVID-19 pandemic retreats. Until then, be critical of your digital marketing efforts and double down on lean effectiveness. As always, we are here for you to help and hope you stay safe during this difficult time.
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2020.09.06 18:14 NewsPlant Inside the online cult of #JusticeforSSR The story of three men united by their fever-pitch resentment towards Rhea Chakraborty, and their anger and grief at the death of a Bollywood star.

Inside the online cult of #JusticeforSSR The story of three men united by their fever-pitch resentment towards Rhea Chakraborty, and their anger and grief at the death of a Bollywood star.
A picture posted on a popular Facebook group shows actor Rhea Chakraborty next to a coronavirus illustration. “Which virus is more dangerous?” shouts the text on the image. The caption says: “2020 worst year in the history of mankind. The two most dangerous virus against humanity.”
The Facebook group in question is called “Justice for Sushant Singh Rajput”. With over one lakh followers, it’s peppered with posts hashtagged #ArrestRheaChakraborty and #IAmSushant.
And that’s just the tip of the iceberg.
“She should be hanged,” said Singh Dheeraj, one of the group’s five administrators. “But then again, in our country, it took very long for even Afzal Guru or Yakub Memon to be hanged..."
Dheeraj is a final-year engineering student in Faridabad. He agreed to talk to me over a Facebook Messenger call only after he confirmed that I’m a “nationalist”. “I’m against anti-nationalism,” he told me. About being one of the admins of the Facebook group, he said, chuckling: “I have not told my parents or friends. They will think that I am not focusing on my studies.”
For a nation obsessed with Bigg Boss**, viewers no longer need to wait for an episode to be shot and aired. A version of this reality show, well-known for its voyeuristic appeal, plays out all day, every day, on social media and TV news screens. Ever since actor Sushant Singh Rajput died in June, the saga that followed has unfolded on our screens, and the past month has been particularly binge-worthy.**
In a profile by the New York Times in June, talk show host Jon Stewart said, “Twenty-four-hour news networks are built for one thing, and that’s 9/11. There are very few events that would justify being covered 24 hours a day, seven days a week. So in the absence of urgency, they have to create it.”
And this is exactly what’s happened following Rajput’s death. Except this isn’t a movie — Chakraborty cannot take off her make-up and go home at the end of the day. Instead, she’s been thrust into a real-life trial by the media, where everyone watching, from national television anchors to quiet college-going students, has turned jurist.
In the process, Chakraborty has been torn apart by leading TV news channels, which demand her arrest, accuse her of “black magic” , camp out outside her building, pass off conspiracy theories as “news”, and conduct “postmortems” of Rajput himself. Republic’s Arnab Goswami screaming about drugs is only surpassed by Times Now’s Navika Kumar breathlessly running into the studio claiming to have a bag full of incriminating documents.
“It isn’t that Arnab or Navika don’t know what they’re doing,” said Pratik Sinha, founder of fact-checking site Alt News**. “They know exactly what and why they go on camera for. They have people to please.”**
Instead, it’s worth asking why young men and women like Dheeraj, who have never met either Rajput or Chakraborty, suddenly find themselves dedicating hours to administering Facebook groups that seek “justice for Sushant”.
For this, I spoke to three men – Saahil Chaudhary, an aspiring actomodel; Surjeet Singh Rathore, a member of the Karni Sena, a caste Hindu group; and Dheeraj. What links them is their fever-pitch resentment towards Chakraborty, and their anger and grief at the death of a Bollywood star.


https://preview.redd.it/0wvscb7gxjl51.png?width=794&format=png&auto=webp&s=ec670d0cf24a98f5ca4373602479d02fec17fdfa

Humans of #ArrestRheaChakraborty

Over the course of lengthy conversations, I asked all the three men where they found their conviction to convict Rhea Chakraborty.
Singh Dheeraj
Dheeraj hadn’t been a big fan of Rajput; what drew him was the fact that Rajput, like himself, was also from Bihar and managed to make it big in Bollywood.
For Dheeraj, the logic is fairly simple as to why he believes that Rajput was murdered, and did not die by suicide.
“How can they suddenly call him crazy now?” he said, possibly referring to reports on Rajput’s mental health. “It must have something to do with the fact that Rhea was living with him, right?”
This is a popular theory. Rajput’s therapist broke confidentiality last month and said the actor had depression and bipolar disorder. While the therapist also said Chakraborty was his “strongest support”, Rajput’s family has claimed that he “started having mental problems” after Chakraborty “came into his life”.
When I asked Dheeraj what kind of changes he thinks Chakraborty brought into Rajput’s life, he paused and came up with this anecdote, which he said is tied to the idea of an “ideal home”.
“Agar Salman [Khan] ki girlfriend ya wife aur Salman ke beech scene hua, toh kiska chalega? Salman ka hi chalega. Aur jabki yahan par Sushant aur Rhea ke sath jo scene hua, usme kiska chala tha? Rhea ka chala tha,” he said. (If something happens between Salman Khan and his girlfriend or wife, who will win? Salman will. And here, if something happened between Sushant and Rhea, who used to win? Rhea used to.)
But why did he think Chakraborty was controlling Rajput? Dheeraj brought up how Chakraborty tried to “change” Rajput’s staff members and friends.
“She had things to hide...look how she was acting with Mahesh Bhatt,” he said. “Was it correct of her to behave that way when she was with Sushant? Anyway, I am a nationalist, I am anti-Bollywood, anti-Rhea and anti-all these drugs and alcohol she used to do.” He refused to elaborate further.
This feeds into the image of Chakraborty constructed by the mainstream media. Photos of her posing on a beach in swimwear, or videos of her working out in sportswear are repeatedly shown during panel discussions, suggesting to viewers, like Dheeraj, that she’s some sort of promiscuous, gold-digging seductress with no “morality” or “culture”.
After some hesitation, he admitted that he believes Chakraborty deserves capital punishment, though he was quick to add: “Justice should be achieved but not hanging. Anyway in our country it was already difficult to hang people like Yakub Memon or Afzal Guru so obviously she cannot be hanged...but she should be punished...Women are like goddesses for me.”
Dheeraj didn’t watch Dil Bechara**, the movie starring Rajput that released after the latter’s death, because he was juggling between his studies and the Facebook group. He also spends a large part of his day “counselling” women, he said. “Him [Rajput] going away has caused a lot of sadness to many girls,” he explained. “I send them videos...I try to make them understand.”**
Saahil Chaudhary
Not far from Dheeraj, in the same state of Haryana, Saahil Chaudhary took to his YouTube channel on August 27, minutes after Chakraborty gave her first television interview to Rajdeep Sardesai on Aaj Tak.
Wearing a fitted white t-shirt and a neatly shaped beard, Chaudhary folded his hands and addressed his two lakh followers: “Somebody please hammer Rajdeep Sardesai’s head.” He spewed expletives against Chakraborty — zaleel aurath, haram ki bachhi and madarchodd ki bachhi being some of them — while his followers echoed his views gleefully in the comments section below, calling Chakraborty a “prostitute” and a “lady Dawood”.
This video received over 2.85 lakh views on YouTube.
Chaudhary has been busy for the last few months, providing daily updates on the investigation into Rajput’s death. He posted his first video on June 17, two days after Rajput died, telling his viewers that it was his “duty” to “expose the dirty secrets of Bollywood”.
In the video, Chaudhary claimed to have met Rajput “four or five times”. “He was such a gentleman, so kind-hearted. Today, I’m not going to spare anyone.” Since then, Chaudhary has uploaded 48 similar videos. According to him, Chakraborty must be arrested at once and the powerful in Bollywood should be shamed.
Importantly, when I spoke to Chaudhary, he denied having ever met the actor. During our conversation, his own frustrations at not being able to “make it big” in Bollywood were evident. “Out of lakhs of people, one got a chance and he became a star, but then you killed him?” he said. “What the fuck? You murdered him?”
Chaudhary runs a gym in Haryana, and has been trying to make it as an actor and model for over 10 years. Unable to be cast even as the friend of the hero, he started to explore YouTube to make himself more visible, he said. From cooking videos to workout videos to health tips and now the Rajput case, he feels like he’s finally found a platform to gain some stardom.
Although, he added, none of his videos on YouTube are monetised. Chaudhary has over two lakh subscribers on his channel. His most-watched video, with over two million views, is regarding who Chakraborty is dating.
When I asked him for the source of his information to declare Chakraborty guilty, Chaudhary said that people sent him articles and photos that he “verifies using logic”. After this “verification”, he concluded: “Rhea is hiding facts and is involved in the murder.” During the course of our chat, he also claimed that Chakraborty is a “gold-digger” who was having an affair with director Mahesh Bhatt.
So, what would he tell Chakraborty if he ever met her? “I don’t want to talk to her,” he replied. “I will simply do what the entire public wants to do: uske kaan ke neeche bajaunga main. I will give her a tight slap. I am sure that when this happens, the public will be satisfied. With this one slap, Sushant Singh’s parents and sisters will be at peace.”
Surjeet Singh Rathore
YouTube is Chaudhary’s platform of choice, but Surjeet Singh Rathore came into the limelight when he appeared on Arnab Goswami’s primetime show on Republic Bharat on August 21.
The show was hashtagged #WhySorryRhea, and Rathore was introduced as an “eyewitness” who was reportedly present when Chakraborty saw Rajput’s body at the Cooper Hospital mortuary. According to Rathore, Chakraborty “confessed” to her crime then; she placed her hand on her chest and said, “Sorry, babu.”
“Why is she saying sorry? Was she involved?” Rathore asked Goswami, who took long, dramatic pauses and repeatedly asked Rathore to describe Chakraborty’s demeanour.
Rathore is a member of the Karni Sena, a Rajput group. When I spoke to him on the telephone, he said he was in Rajasthan, the Karni Sena’s home state, from where he would “speak the truth”. After appearing on Republic, he claimed, Mumbai became “unsafe” for him. “I am not scared,” he added. “If something happens to me or Kangana Ranaut, Karni Sena poori Hindustan mein aag lagaenge. The Karni Sena will set fire to the whole of India.”
What does that mean? He replied, “Don’t you remember our Padmavat movement?”
Here’s a quick refresher: In 2017, the Karni Sena led a violent campaign against Sanjay Leela Bhansali’s movie Padmavat, claiming it tarnished the reputation of Rajputs and misappropriated history. Before the movie was released, Karni Sena workers vandalised the film set, slapped the director, trashed a theatre playing the movie’s trailer, threatened to cut off actor Deepika Padukone’s nose and behead Padukone and Bhansali, moved petitions to ban the film, and received support from the Bharatiya Janata Party.
The group eventually retreated when Padmavat was released, saying there was, after all, “nothing objectionable” in the film.
Rathore told me he had once spoken to Sushant Singh Rajput on the phone when the Padmavat incident occurred, to tell Rajput not to support Bhansali. Apart from that, they’ve never met, though he met Chakraborty once, according to him, at the mortuary. As he explained to Goswami, he apparently went to the mortuary to see Sushant as a fellow Rajput.
Why is Rathore so involved in this case?
“I am a Rajput. I am a member of the Karni Sena. Sushant was also a Rajput, it’s my right to be involved,” Rathore replied.

https://preview.redd.it/wm3qahsmxjl51.png?width=1000&format=png&auto=webp&s=903f5fd4d47e5f1181c3b15c834f0b47adc92bdd
When he left the mortuary, he said, Aaj Tak spoke to him but the interview never aired. So, Rathore approached Arnab Goswami who helped him “bring the news to the world”. Rathore added that Chakraborty must be arrested “as soon as possible” on the basis of her saying “Sorry, babu” to Rajput’s body.
In his post-Republic days, Rathore spends his time answering “calls from all across the country, mostly from my supporters and from TV channels”. He has a girlfriend but he quickly said, “Woh Rhea jaisi nahi hai.” She is not like Rhea.
Currently, Rathore’s Facebook page, which has over 21,000 followers, is filled with posts seeking justice for Rajput, Rathore’s TV interviews, and pictures from his time in Jaipur. One photo shows him standing on a terrace, arms extended, with the caption: “For success in life...you need two things...Ignorance and confidence...❤️ My Jaipur.”

Politics to the Right

Through the course of my conversations with these men, it became apparent that what irritated them the most was Chakraboty’s alleged infidelity. As men, they seemed to empathise with the pain Rajput might have gone through of loving a “morally corrupt woman”.
Apart from that, the other common thread was their tendency to be aligned with the Right. However, only Dheeraj openly proclaimed his support for the BJP; both Rathore and Chaudhary said this issue isn’t political.
Dheeraj’s affinity towards the Right came forward in our conversation when he asked me if I had worked as a reporter during the citizenship law protests, and what I felt about BJP leader Kapil Mishra’s role. Mishra had made an incendiary speech in February targeting the protesters against the Citizenship Amendment Act, and the Delhi riots followed soon after, leaving over 50 dead.
When I told him that no matter what side I’m on, violence is not the way out, he said, “Violence for religion is justifiable. There are Muslims living in my lane. Tomorrow if they block the road, there is a limit to how long one can wait for the police before taking action himself.”
He also brought up Asifa Bhano, the eight-year-old who was raped and murdered in Jammu in 2018. “Why is that when Asifa, that Muslim child, was raped in a temple in Jammu, all Bollywood celebrities came out and shamed the country?” he said. “What about Hindu women? I am not saying they should not speak about the injustice against Asifa, I’m just saying you cannot internationally shame your country. These celebrities, they are not with us Hindus. They are not with the country.”
Dheeraj, Chaudhary and Rathore all agreed that the only journalists currently doing his job correctly is Arnab Goswami. Dheeraj added that he’s a fan of Zee News’ Sudhir Chaudhary and Aaj Tak’s Anjana Om Kashyap — both of whom are also known for their proclivity towards the BJP.

https://preview.redd.it/atux7ol1yjl51.png?width=1276&format=png&auto=webp&s=6207172eea37a1804d543f2bc220b38dcd21ed47

Lack of moderation of hate content

After these chats, I went through 15 Facebook pages dedicated to fighting for “justice” for Rajput, which has now become synonymous with arresting Chakraborty. These pages are managed by 35 admins in total, of which 20 seemed to have authentic profiles on Facebook, three were clearly fake, three were aliases, and nine I couldn’t tell.
I identified fake profiles based on the fact that they had no personal or authentic pictures. The profile images were either pictures of Rajput or representational images, the friends list was limited, and there was no personal information like place of work.
There was no consistent pattern to be established between the profiles, apart from their support for Rajput, love for Goswami, and hate towards Chakraborty. Some had a history of hateful, communal posts, or far-Right posts, some had posts critical of the government, and others had almost no political posts at all.
Here’s a sample of the sort of hate spewed against Chakraborty.

https://preview.redd.it/00bszhxvxjl51.png?width=1276&format=png&auto=webp&s=45dd3360f3a054ab86167b592817027ec78c7bed
In the background of this venom is the fact that Facebook India has been facing tough questions in recent weeks over its propensity to ignore hate speech. A Wall Street Journal piece reported on Facebook’s soft approach to posts inciting violence by members of the BJP, although the social media giant has robust policies for the same — on paper, at least.
It doesn’t take much to notice that most of the pages I surveyed violate multiple regulations and standards set by Facebook, especially with regards to hate speech, bullying and harassment , and violence and incitement. Nevertheless, most of them have been online for over six weeks, and continue to garner a massive following and rapid engagement.

The news and us

So, let’s return to this question: What does the Sushant Singh Rajput case reveal about us?
It’s a vile but immensely sustainable, and successful, ecosystem, and I reached out to Alt News’ Pratik Sinha to learn more. Alt News has largely kept away from reporting on the news coverage of Rajput’s death.
As Sinha said: “I can bust facts, not gossip.”
News has now entered the realm of gossip, Sinha said, which is rooted in “mudslinging and rumour-mongering”. “Gossip is addictive. I don’t know what to bust in this bizarre case...Initially it looked like this incident was used as a campaign strategy for the upcoming Bihar election, but right now? It has somehow gained a life of its own. Where should one draw the line between freedom of speech and freedom of life?”
Sinha described the viral nature of this “news” as “coordinated inauthentic behaviour”.
A coordinate effort at hate often has two motives, financial or political. In the circus surrounding Rajput’s death, it’s impossible to pinpoint either with clarity. For the many young people involved, Sinha said, being able to earn instant recognition is motive enough.
“For example, maybe for this boy Dheeraj, if not for this case he might not have had women coming up and talking to him,” he said. “Now this may seem frivolous but for him, this must be life-changing.”
What forms a narrative, Sinha explained, is the size of the body that sustains it. Leading channels like Republic and Zee News serve up content that is religiously shared by these Facebook pages. So, who is the trigger: the public, or the news? Has social media ensured that if there’s enough public outrage, news organisations will have to take notice? Or do news channels, in their race for TRPs, produce content tailormade to appeal to the nation’s imagination?
It’s a chicken-and-egg situation, so it’s impossible to accurately answer.
For those without financial or political ambitions, this case seems to have given them a sense of purpose, or “social currency”, as Sinha called it. Dheeraj told me that apart from support, he also receives threats from Shahrukh Khan or Aamir Khan fans. Does that scare him? He immediately and excitedly replied, “No, no, not at all. Maybe it will be good if something big happens with me.”
When it comes to news channels, no matter what came first, media houses ensured that the story stayed alive. In the last month alone, there were four child rapes in New Delhi and a rise in caste- and gender-based violence in Uttar Pradesh. The economy is down, the unemployment rate is up, floods and monsoons have displaced thousands, and the ongoing pandemic claims hundreds of lives every day.
Yet all of this takes a backseat when compared to the Rajput case. Has the case become a distraction from the very real social and cultural fears that we face? As Orwell once said, “Unpopular ideas can be silenced, and inconvenient facts kept dark, without the need for any official ban.”
On Facebook allowing such content to thrive, Sinha said: “Content moderation is most often a business decision. If you take down a post or page that has over one lakh followers, then it means you lose that many eyeballs, which then means you lose that many people looking at advertisements. And that’s where the money flows in for these platforms. So most often, these policies are only written down, not implemented.”
In the last decade, two media trials stand out: the Aarushi murder case and the death of Sunanda Pushkar. Neither found a satisfying judicial conclusion. Trials by the media don’t happen impulsively, Sinha pointed out. “Every day, we scratch our heads as to what is happening today. But it isn’t like we were fine yesterday or the day before, right?” he said.
And ultimately, no matter the outcome of the investigation into Sushant Singh Rajput’s death, the biggest reveal by the media is what this case has exposed when it comes to our society.
Arnav Binaykia, Anna Priyadarshini and Monica Dhanraj contributed research to this article.
https://www.newslaundry.com/inside-the-online-cult-of-justice-for-SSR
submitted by NewsPlant to BollyBlindsNGossip [link] [comments]


2020.09.06 13:28 fish_boom Anyone hear using Minance? Its a wealth management startup whose founder has been arrested for fraud

Heard the news today that Anurag Bhatia (the founder of Minance) has been arrested in a cheating and fraud case.
This news article goes into more detail.
According to a youtube comment on this video: "all my friends portfolio money he took and never returned.. as per latest data, all portfolio are down with 90-95% and he is not picking up phone
plus- total cases registered against Minance- 15 and more to come..
My honest suggestion with no grudges to any one.. Minance is a big scam and all key CRMs who were there left the company and if you ask them, they will say how Anurag is playing with investors cash."
These things give me anxiety. A lot of anxiety
submitted by fish_boom to IndiaInvestments [link] [comments]


2020.09.03 12:21 Kafir-Lives-Matter Congress's bluff about hate speech and Facebook favoring BJP.

“The cleverest trick used in propaganda against Germany during the war was to accuse Germany of what our enemies themselves were doing,” said Joseph Goebbels, the propaganda in chief of Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Germany at a Nuremberg rally in 1934.
Over the years, what Goebbels was complaining about ironically got attributed to his own genius. “Accuse others of doing what you yourself are guilty of” became a Goebbelsian tactic.
But this is an old trick (in Hindi we call it ’ulta chor kotwal ko daante’) and has gained prominence in recent times in the age of diplomacy and political correctness where appearing holier-than-thou is the currency even if one is playing dirtier than his adversaries.
Though all parties and politicians can be held guilty of deploying this tactic, the Indian National Congress is master at this due to its long track record of being in power.
It has successfully used it against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in branding the latter communal while itself passing the most sectarian laws.
It accuses the BJP of fascism when the Congress is the only party that presided over Emergency, a period where gross violations of human rights happened.
It accuses the BJP of being casteist while playing the worst caste-based politics itself. And on and on it goes.
So, one wasn’t surprised when the same Congress party recently accused Facebook of favoring the BJP when it’s an open secret that all top social media platforms of importance such as Twitter, Facebook, Google, etc are populated by leftist woke crowd in the United States who are ideological travellers of the Congress party and have no love lost for the BJP.
Even most of the Indian officials appointed to top positions by these social media platforms have nothing but contempt for the ruling party.
No less than the Managing Director of Facebook India Ajit Mohan admitted to a Parliamentary Committee on Wednesday that he not only earlier worked as a consultant with the Kerala Congress but also worked for the UPA-2 government in the Planning Commission and Ministry of Urban Development.
The International Fact Checking Network Committee head at Facebook, Kanchan Kaur, has been accused by the BJP of using “derogatory language” repeatedly against the BJP as well as Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The same committee approved Alt-News, an Islamo-Leftist propaganda website caught spreading fake and selective information, as a credible member while rejecting Right-wing and centre-right organisations like OpIndia and FactHunt.
Professor Kaur appeared for a webcast discussion with Alt-News founder Pratik Sinha in May, whose hate for Modi needs no introduction. The webcast was officially supported by Google.
Not just that, in 2018, the Congress was outed as a client of Cambridge Analytica, the disreputed UK-based firm which misused data of millions of Facebook users for election purposes.
Between 2014 and 2018, Head of News, Politics and Government for Twitter India was Kashmiri journalist Raheel Khurshid who was often accused of bias against the pro-BJP accounts while freely handing out the coveted ‘blue tick’ to the Leftists. When he was appointed in 2014, many had pointed out to his old posts alleging his anti-Modi, anti-Hindu and pro-Kashmir separatists stances.
When some Twitter users started exposing the political leanings of Mahima Kaul, director of Policy at Twitter India, she deleted her old tweets praising Rahul Gandhi and Congress and showing hateful comments against Modi. “Bombs, quakes, deaths are all second to Narendra Modi’s ambitions. Fuck aam aadmi,” one of her deleted tweets read.
It goes without saying that no one lost their plum job at these social media giants for being pro-Congress and anti-Modi. But one instance of a Facebook employee, Aankhi Das' refusal to take down posts and profiles alleged to be problematic by the Congress-Left ecosystem was enough for the Congress top guns to turn apoplectic with rage.
From Congress trolls to Rahul Gandhi, all started accusing Facebook of politician interference in India and siding with the BJP. Talk about tolerance. It is perfectly fine as long as Congress and Left-leaning persons are at the helm of affairs in these social media but how dare a platform refuse to oblige Congress‘ order of taking down BJP-leaning posts.
But that’s the Congress’ tactic. While the BJP is teflon-coated and doesn’t react unless it is repeatedly shaken to the core, Congress goes all in at the slightest transgression against its interest. Even in the opposition, it shows the ruling mindset while the BJP despite being in power keeps displaying the opposition mentality.
But this time around, it seems even the thick-skinned BJP got irritated by Congress’ tactics of blaming others for doing what it is itself a master at.
Union Minister for IT Ravi Shankar Prasad wrote a scathing letter to Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg alleging that in the run up to 2019 general elections “there was a concerted effort by Facebook India management to not just delete pages or substantially reduce their reach but also offer no recourse or right of appeal to affected people who are supportive of the right-of-centre ideology“.
”The above documented cases of bias and inaction are seemingly a direct outcome of the dominant political beliefs of individuals in your Facebook India team,” Prasad added.
The Minister further said that the Facebook India team “is dominated by people who belong to a particular political belief”, an ideology which has been comprehensively defeated at the ballot by the people of India. However, people of this disposition are trying to “discredit India's democratic process by dominating the decision-making apparatus of important social media platforms“, Prasad said.
He also drew attention of Zuckerberg towards the fact that Facebook employees have been found abusing the Prime Minister and senior Cabinet Ministers of India while working in Facebook India and managing important positions. Moreover, Prasad rightly raised the issue of Facebook outsourcing fact-checking to third party shady fact checkers with no credibility and who are regularly fact-checked by public on social media.
Prasad got to the root of the matter of why the Congress and Left were using ’ulta chor kotwal ko daante’ tactics. He said that the ‘entrenched vested interests aren't satisfied with the shrinking space for one side of the spectrum in India and want to throttle it completely. The spate of recent anonymous, source-based reports is nothing but an internal power struggle within your company for an ideological hegemony.” (emphasis ours).
The perception of pro-BJP bias in Facebook (despite the completely opposite reality) is being created so that the Left can stamp out any neutral or centre-right voices working for the platform.
Sadly, Prasad’s letter only stops at listing grievances with no threat to correct course and stop the bias altogether.
The Minister should’ve told Zuckerberg in no uncertain terms that the Indian government will not allow intervention of foreign platforms in its local politics because that would be “prejudicial to its sovereignty“, an excuse India has used to ban scores of Chines apps.
The message to Facebook should have been of non-alignment with any ideology, to stay neutral and to not allow any censorship except of posts which fail foul of Indian laws. Zuckerberg would’ve got the message as he read another government order banning 118 Chinese apps.
submitted by Kafir-Lives-Matter to IndiaSpeaks [link] [comments]


2020.09.02 07:27 InternetFreedomIn Watch the Watchmen Series Part 1 : The National Intelligence Grid

Watch the Watchmen Series Part 1 : The National Intelligence Grid

https://preview.redd.it/anchb6sn6ok51.png?width=1024&format=png&auto=webp&s=e2edb91731ebf6dfbaf59282284f5a4395df413a

tl;dr

The National Intelligence Grid, better known as NATGRID, is an integrated IT solution which would allow user agencies to access data gathered from various databases such as credit and debit cards, tax, telecom, immigration, airlines and railway tickets, passports, driving licenses among others. It is being developed as a measure to help security agencies such as the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Research & Analysis Wing (RAW) etc. in tackling crime and terror threats in the country.

History

Security is a state subject and the police forces are controlled by the state governments, thereby giving the states the exclusive power to legislate with respect to the police system and exercise full administrative control over the police. Post the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai, a need was felt for facilitating higher coordination between the intelligence and law-enforcement agencies. NATGRID aims to mitigate a vital deficiency — lack of real time information, which was considered to be one of the major hurdles in detecting US terror suspect David Headley's movement across the country during his multiple visits between 2006 and 2009.
NATGRID was conceptualized by then Home Minister P. Chidambaram in 2009, in a bid to revamp India’s internal security structure and create a centralized database which can be accessed easily by intelligence agencies at the national level. NATGRID was set up as an attached Office of the Ministry of Home Affairs with effect from December 1, 2010. Further, Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) has “in-principle” approved the Detailed Project Report (DPR) of NATGRID on June 6, 2011. Planning Commission also accorded its ‘In Principle’ approval to the project on July 8, 2011, as a ‘Central Plan Scheme’ under MHA from 2011-12.
The year-wise break-up of expenditure in setting up NATGRID, which was disclosed in Parliament on March 1, 2016 is as under:
https://preview.redd.it/dj7lrwhw6ok51.png?width=386&format=png&auto=webp&s=87074e64b20c9b48fc37b82c64bccee75c432b46
According to reports, it has a total budget of 3,400 crore INR.
However, the proposed solution has been on hold since then and has not been launched in the ten years since. On November 19, 2019, in response to a parliamentary question the Minister of State for Home Affairs G. Kishan Reddy stated that the project has developed application software for Proof of Technology (POT) and NATGRID is planned to go live on December 31, 2020.

What is NATGRID?

The NATGRID is conceived to be a framework which will leverage Information Technology to connect approved User Agencies (security/law enforcement) with designated Data providers (Airlines, Banks, SEBI, Railway, Telecom etc.) with a view to enhance the country’s counter- terrorism capability. The platform envisages approved operating procedures and oversight mechanisms to facilitate access between users and providers to enable them to analyze and disseminate information/intelligence for synergizing efforts to counter terrorism related activity.
The proposed user agencies of the NATGRID are:
  1. Intelligence Bureau (IB),
  2. Research & Analysis Wing (R&AW),
  3. Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI),
  4. Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI),
  5. Enforcement Directorate (ED),
  6. Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU),
  7. Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT),
  8. Central Board of Excise and Customs (CBEC),
  9. Directorate General of Central Excise and Intelligence (DGCEI) and
  10. Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB).
No state agency is included in the proposed user agencies for NATGRID.
In the first phase, these 10 user agencies and 21 service providers will be connected. Later, about 1,950 additional organisations will be linked in the subsequent phases. These service or data providers will provide access to data related to immigration entry and exit, banking and financial transactions, telecommunications including mobile numbers, vehicle numbers, passport details and, in later phases, train and air ticketing details.
It has been reported that NATGRID will also have access to the Income Tax Department's PAN records and individual taxpayers' data. “According to an order issued by the Central Board of Direct Taxes, the department will share 'bulk information', starting from the Permanent Account Number (PAN) to the taxpayer's name and all the individual data that it captures like father's name, gender, date of birth, photograph and signature or thumb impression. The department will also share with the National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID) all information available in the department's database regarding residential and office addresses and phone and mobile numbers of all the taxpayers.”
Reports have also suggested that the government could link social media accounts of individuals with NATGRID as well. However, this move has faced severe resistance from the intelligence agencies, whose officials fear that linking the social media accounts to sensitive government data could expose the system to “trojan attacks.”
NATGRID will utilise Big Data and Analytics to study huge amounts of data generated from 21 data sources of various intelligence and enforcement agencies to analyse events in order to get a better picture as well as to trail suspects.
NATGRID is currently headed by IAS officer Ashish Gupta. There are around 70 personnel, drawn from both the government and private sectors, in NATGRID. The main office complex for NATGRID is being constructed in New Delhi with a data recovery centre in Bengaluru.

What could go wrong?

On March 13, 2012, the then Minister of State for Home Affairs Jitendra Singh in responseto a parliamentary question acknowledged that the government is cognizant of the privacy concerns surrounding NATGRID. He further stated that, “NATGRID’s security framework has been designed to protect secrecy and privacy of information within the NATGRID system. The extant legal regime regarding privacy ipso-facto applies to NATGRID.”
The Right to Information Act, 2000 which aims to bring transparency and accountability to government authorities contains a provision which exempts intelligence agencies from its purview under S.24(2) of the Act. NATGRID is exempted from the RTI Act, 2005 vide Gazette of India Notification No. GSR 442 (E) dated 09.06.2011 issued by DOP&T.
In addition to being exempt from the RTI Act, NATGRID is also being developed and deployed in the absence of a data protection law in India. Since NATGRID aims to collate data from various sources to create profiles of people to track for criminal activity, it is necessary that data protection measures be put in place to ensure that NATGRID does not violate its mandate by suffering from function creep. “Function creep” occurs when information is used for a purpose that is not the original specified purpose. In the absence of data protection measures and by being exempt from disclosures under the RTI Act, NATGRID presents the very obvious danger of becoming a tool for state-sponsored mass surveillance.
The prevailing legal regime regarding privacy can thus be reduced to the decision of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy vs Union of India (2017 10 SCC 1) which states that any justifiable intrusion by the State into people’s right to privacy, which is protected under Article 21 of the Constitution, must conform to certain thresholds which include legality, necessity, proportionality and procedural safeguards.
The threshold of legality requires that the intrusion must take place a defined regime of law i.e. there must be an anchoring legislation, with a clear set of provisions. However, in response to a parliamentary question on December 17, 2013, the then Minister of State for Home Affairs R.P.N. Singh stated that the Government does not plan to issue any executive order to give a legal framework to NATGRID.
The threshold of procedural safeguards requires that there is an appropriate independent institutional mechanism, with in-built procedural safeguards aligned with standards of procedure established by law which are just, fair and reasonable to prevent abuse. In response to a parliamentary question on March 1, 2016 the then Minister of State for Home Affairs Haribhai Parthibhai Chaudhary stated that “An Audit Committee headed by Deputy National Security Advisor has been constituted to audit the manner in which the data is accessed and sought to be used.” It is our view that such a measure is not sufficient to satisfactorily respond to the privacy concerns which may arise.

Who will ‘watch the watchmen’?

This look into NATGRID is the first in IFF’s new series called Watch the Watchmen. Through this series we aim to look into and analyse the looming surveillance technology threats in India.
Help us fight back mass surveillance and ensure access to a safe, open and free internet for all Indians by funding us. You can support us by making a one time donation or becoming a member with us today!
submitted by InternetFreedomIn to india [link] [comments]


2020.08.28 11:45 AllAgTCups Some caste statistics.

Some statistics regarding caste and the disparity between the "upper" and the "lower" castes.
Using The NSS 2012 survey data, the population of percentage of the social groups were :
Social group Population %
SC 18.8
ST 8.7
OBC 44
General category/Others 28.5
According this study, about 52% of Brahmins and 24% of Forward castes practice untouchilbilty, not surprising that some of them end up bringing their casteism even abroad, even for educated Brahmins and Forward castes, who recieved some post-grad education, 48% and 27% respectively practiced untouchilbilty.
By Area(Rural/Urban)
Area Untouchilibility rate
Rural 30%
Urban 20%
Overall 27%
By social group/caste
Social group/caste Untouchibility rate
Brahmin 52%
Forward 24%
OBC 33%
SC 15%
ST 22%
Others 13%
By religion
Religion Untouchibility rate
Hindu 30%
Muslim 18%
Christian 5%
Sikh 23%
Buddhist 1%
Jain 35%
Tribal 5%
Others 0%
By education level
Education level Untouchibility rate
Illetrate 30%
1-4 std 26%
5-9 std 29%
10-11 std 25%
12th std/some college 24%
Graduate/Some dipolma 24%
By class
Class/Income percentile Untouchibility rate
<20 33%
20-40 29%
40-60 26%
60-80 24%
>80 23%
By regions
Region Untouchilbility rate
Hills 38%
North 21%
North-central 40%
Central Plains 49%
East 16%
West 13%
South 17%
Hills : Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand
North : Punjab, Chandigarh, Haryana, Delhi
North-central : Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand
Central Plains : Rajasthan, Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh
West : Gujarat, Daman & Diu, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Maharastra, Goa
East : Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya, Assam, West Bengal, Odisha
South : Andra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Puducherry
Regarding representation in media,
Of the 121 newsroom leadership positions – editor-in-chief, managing editor, executive editor, bureau chief, input/output editor – across the newspapers, TV news channels, news websites, and magazines under study, 106 are occupied by upper castes, five by other backward classes and six by people from minority communities. The caste of four individuals could not be identified.
  1. Three out of every four anchors (among a total of 40 anchors in Hindi channels and 47 in English channels) of debates are upper caste. Not one is Dalit, Adivasi, or OBC
  2. For over 70% of their primetime debate shows, news channels draw the majority of the panellists from the upper castes
  3. No more than 5% of all articles in English newspapers are written by Dalits and Adivasis. Hindi newspapers fare slightly better at around 10%
  4. Around 72% of bylined articles on news websites are written by people from the upper castes
  5. Only 10 of the 972 articles featuring on the cover pages of the 12 magazines under study are about issues related to caste.
According to this
  1. About 89% of leadership positions in English TV news channels belonged to the general category.
  2. About 76% of flagship show anchors belong to the general category.
  3. Only 5.6% and 1% of panellists across the surveyed channels belong to SC and ST categories respectively
  4. For Hindi news channels 100% of leadership belonged to the general category and 80% of the anchors in primetime shows
  5. On discussion of caste issues, 69% of the panellists belonged to the general category across all the surveyed channels.
  6. Out of the 16,000 articles written by English newspapers between October 2018 and March 2019, about 60% were written by "upper"-caste writers.
  7. In Hindi newspapers, 56% of writers belonged to the general category, 8.1% to SC and 1.1% to ST categories.
  8. Among digital media outlets, 84% of all leadership positions were occupied by those belonging to general category.
  9. Articles regarding caste issues in digital media, 56% were written by those from general category.
  10. Among magazines, 56% of total output come from general category writers 6.5% from SC/ST combined and 17 % from OBC category.
There is under-representation of Dalits in judiciary. According to this
In the past 70 years, India only had just ONE Dalit Chief Justice. Currently there are no Dalit Chief Justice in high courts. According to this, no SC/ST person has been elevated to the supreme court in the past 7 years or now we can say 9 years since that was written in 2018.
In corporate also there is under representation, 93% of Indian cooperate board members belong to the "forward"-castes, out of which Brahmins make up 45% and Vaishyas make up about 46%.
Similarly qualified SC candidates are less likely to be hired than the general category ones. This study shows that those with Dalit sounding names are 33% less likely to be hired and with Muslim sounding name are 67% less likely to be hired than someone "upper"-caste sounding name.
There is also a huge income disparity by caste, for SC/ST people, their income is almost half of that of forward-castes. Source (page 17) Wealth/assets here is the indicator of presennce of 33 different durable household goods like TV, air conditioner etc.
Social group Household income (in Rs./year) Wealth/Assets
SC 89,356 12.7
ST 75,216 10.2
OBC 1,04,099 14.7
FC (Brahmin) 1,67,013 18.2
FC(Non-Brahmin) 1,64,633 17.9
Overall 1,13,222 14.6
In terms of percentiles in wealth index by caste. (NFHS 2015-16, pg 31)
Social group 0-20 (Poorest quntile) 20-40 40-60 60-80 80-100 (Richest quintile)
SC 25.9 24.2 21.9 16.7 11.3
ST 45.2 25.5 14.9 9.1 5.4
OBC 18.2 19.6 21.1 22.3 18.8
Other 9.4 15.4 18.4 22.8 34.0
A score of greater than 20 means, there is larger representation of a social group in that quintile than overall for India. You can see the "lower"-caste have a higher representation in the poorer quntiles. We can see that 50.1% and 70.7% and of the SC and ST households respectively are in the two poorest quintiles.
The overall wealth/asset share of India's wealth is heavily concentrated among "upper"-caste Hindus.
Social group Household Share (%) Wealth/asset share (%) Per Household Asset (in Rs. lakhs)
Hindu UC 22.3 41 27.7
Hindu OBC 35.7 30.7 13.0
SC 18.4 7.6 6.2
ST 9.1 3.7 6.2
Muslim 11.9 8 10.0
So, it's clearly not an even playing field. So, take for examples studying for entrances for which you need books which can be quite expensive. It's highly likely that an equally smart and hardworking reserved category student will likely score lesser marks than an non-reserved category due to their conditions like being denied education or not having the money to buy the books or attend the classes.
The coaching classes for such entrance exams in medical institutions often have fees greater than Rs. 1 lakh/year and the books can cost thousands of rupees it disproportionately favours the rich and according to PLFS(Periodic Labour Force Survey) in 2017-18,
  1. About 45% of regular workers earned less than Rs. 10,000/month.
  2. About 12% of regular workers earned less than Rs. 5,000/month.
  3. About 3% of regular workers earned between Rs. 50,000 to Rs. 1,00,000/month.
  4. About 0.2% of regular workers earned more than Rs. 1,00,000/month.
We can clearly see that joining these classes favours the richest quintiles in which "upper"-castes are over represented, leaving behind students from reserved categories. Combining with they discrimination that these students on the basis of their caste, we need reservations to create an even playing field, because even with the same income, the discrimination on the basis of their caste still exists.
Reservations is only applicable to govt jobs which make up a tiny percentage of total jobs in the country.
Regarding the impact of reservations on productivity. Here's a case study of the impact of reservations in Indian Railways between 1980 to 2002. It's findings were :
The production function and data-envelopment analyses provide no evidence in support of the claim that higher proportions of jobs filled by SCSTs are associated with lower total factor productivity or its annual rate of change. Furthermore, under some specifications, higher proportions of SCST employees in high-level positions – who are most likely to be AA beneficiaries – are positively associated with higher TFP or ∆TFP. These findings resonate very strongly with studies assessing the impact of workforce diversity on enterprise productivity in the U.S., which have found either a positive or null effect, but no evidence of a negative effect (Barrington and Troske 2001)
Reservation do not really harm the productivity. The reservation policies will help increase the education level of the "lower"-castes who have been denied such opportunity for centuries. Increasing education qualification will also help them get out of poverty. And increasing their standard of living, therefore reducing the inequalities between castes. It will also result in increased representation in many fields.
Affirmative action not only benefits groups that beneficiaries of it but also improved the attitudes towards that group, increases cognitive capacities like in the case of USA.
They find that black students who probably benefited from affirmative action — because their achievement data is lower than the average student at their colleges — do better in the long-run than their peers who went to lower-status universities and probably did not benefit from affirmative action. The ones who benefited are more likely to graduate college and to earn professional degrees, and they have higher incomes.
...
But what about other students — whites and those from a higher economic background? Decades of research in higher education show that classmates of the direct beneficiaries also benefit. These students have more positive racial attitudes toward racial minorities, they report greater cognitive capacities, they even seem to participate more civically when they leave college.
This is in the case of USA, but the concept of both is similar. Both are affirmative actions.
Here's the level of education of those 15 years old and above by caste.
Social group Not literate (%) Upto primary (%) Middle (%) Secondary (%) Higher secondary (%) Diploma (%) Graduate (%) Post graduate and above (%)
ST 42.7 24.3 15.5 8.5 5.3 0.5 2.5 0.6
SC 39.0 23.2 16.4 10.8 6.1 0.7 2.9 0.8
OBC 31.8 21.2 17.0 14.2 8.3 1.4 4.7 1.5
Others 18.9 18.9 16.3 17.0 12.2 1.6 11.2 3.8
Overall 30.2 21.1 16.6 13.9 8.8 1.3 6.2 2.0
Here, we can see that we can see SC/ST people have lower rates of education. About 82.5% of ST and 78.6% SC people have either middle school or less than middle school education, while for others it is 54.1%. For having education either higher secondary or above that, it 8.9% for ST and 10.5% for SC and 28.8% for others. It's about triple the rate of SC/ST people.
As it pointed out here, according to 2011-12 NSSO statistics, the share of casual wage labourers by caste, the share wage labourers among SC was 63%, for OBC it was 44%, FC it was 42% and 46% for other groups. For causal wage labourers, the share for 47% while for it was about 33% for OBC/FC/Others. This signfies more job insecurity and poor earnings. For the total share of causal labourers in the country, 32% of them were SC, while they make up about 16% of the population. And also according to a survey
The survey was carried out among 1992 households in 80 villages across the states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh in 2013. A study of 441 farm wage labourers, indicates that about 41 per cent were denied work by the high castes due to caste prejudice. Of these, about 76 percent in grain harvesting, 20 percent in vegetable cultivation and 12 percent in drying of grains and chilly and 11 percent in domestic work were denied jobs, due to ‘polluting status’ of the untouchables.
Even among the similar type of jobs SC/ST people have lower monthly per-capita consumer expenditure (MPCE), indicating higher poverty. Here's MPCE (In Rs) by social group and type of jobs. (Source, page 17)
Social group ST SC OBC Others All ST and others gap SC and others gap
Self-employed agriculture 1,108 1,218 1,395 1,761 1,436 37.1% 30.8%
Self-employed in non-agriculture 1,260 1,314 1,506 1,694 1,509 25.6% 22.4%
Regular salaried (rural) 1,735 1,803 1,984 2,240 2,002 22.5% 19.5%
Causal labour agriculture 964 1,131 1,241 1,179 1,159 18.2% 4.1%
Casual labour non-agriculutre 1,010 1,181 1,303 1,366 1,238 26.1% 13.5%
Others (rural) 1,307 1,445 1,879 2,346 1,893 44.2% 38.4%
Self-employed (urban) 1,814 1,770 2,088 2,936 2,415 38.2% 39.7%
Regular salaried (urban) 2,762 2,493 2,700 3,582 3,062 22.9% 30.4%
Causal labour (urban) 1,283 1,403 1,538 1,650 1,514 22.2% 15.0%
Others (urban) 2,704 2,499 3,263 4,565 3,734 40.8% 45.3%
All (rural) 1,122 1,252 1,439 1,719 1,430 34.7% 27.2%
All (urban) 2,193 2,028 2,275 3,242 2,630 32.4% 37.4%
This paper talks about the difference in wages due to labor market discrimination. Although it uses different data set. But that different data set also found a difference between the wages SC/ST and non-SC/ST. In rural areas, 62% of the difference in wages is due to endowment or explanied component and 38% is due to labor market discrimination, while for urban areas it is 69% due endowments and 31% due to labor market discrimination, the difference in endowments is due to different education and location. The share of SC/ST according to 2011 census in the six biggest cities, New Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Hyderabad and Bengaluru is 11.25% combined, while their combined population in the country is about 25% and that too they are concentrated on the most underdeveloped areas of these cities, where there is lack of basic amenities like piped water and toilets. So, many live in villeges, where there is underdeveloped infrastructure, combined with social discrimination, affecting their access to quality education.
Some instances of social discrimination like 1,2,3. Making them clean toilets, dividing midday meals by caste, facing casteist abuses and more.
There's also a higher rate of unemployment observed in SCs.
Social group Unemployment rate (1993-94) Unemployment rate (2004-05) Unemployment rate (2011-12)
ST 4.2 6.5 5.6
SC 8.2 11.8 7.3
OBC N/A 7.8 5.3
Others 5.7 6.8 4.8
Overall 6 8.1 5.6
Here's unemployment rate by among the ones who received education either Higher secondary or above that.
Social group 15-24 years old Higher secondary Diploma holder Graduate and above
SC 15% 7.5% 14.7% 12.3%
OBC 12.5% 5.3% 12.2% 9.3%
Others 14.6% 5.7% 7.6% 8.8%
Total 13% 6.4% 10.2% 8.3%
Even the loss in employment due to lockdown affected the "lower"-castes the most.
Social Group Employment rate in December 2019 (%) Employment rate in April 2020 (%) Change (%)
SC 44 24 -20
ST 48 33 -15
OBC 40 26 -14
"Intermediate"-castes 42 34 -8
"Upper"-castes 39 32 -7
The decrease in employment rate of SCs is almost thrice that of "upper"-castes and for STs and OBCs it is twice that of the "upper"-castes. This would mean that the increase in poverty and the fall in standards of living due to this pandemic will affect the "lower"-castes the most and hence further widening the inequalities between castes.
Untouchibility or social discrimination also effects Dalit in the entry of opening certain businesses like food businesses. They also have the lowest relative share among self-employed workers, meaning that they are more likely engaged in low-paying casual labour work rather than running enterprises. About 11.8% of Non-Muslim general category are in white collar jobs, 4.74% for non-Muslim OBC and 4.99% for Muslims, while for SC it is 3.77% and for ST, 2.81%.
In union cabinets, the "upper-middle"-caste had share of 87.7%, the share for SC was just 4.6%. The average age of death for Dalit woman is 14.6 years less than "upper"-caste woman. Even after taking into other condition like drinking and sanitation, the average of death for Dalit woman is still lesser. The life expectancy of a Dalit woman is still 11 years lower. Source
“Even after accounting for social status differences, a gap of 5.48 years remains between the average age of death of higher caste women and Dalit women,” the UN report notes. “Further, the authors [of the 2013 study] applied the levels of mortality-related factors catalogued for higher caste women and found that there is still a gap between the life expectancy for higher caste women and Dalit women. A difference of 11.07 years remains even after attributing the Dalit social status coefficient to higher caste women. This means that life expectancy among Dalit women is 11 years lower than that of higher caste women despite experiencing identical social conditions like sanitation and drinking water.”
About 61% of the the general category voted for the NDA, while the average vote for it was 45%. Source. While simply voting for the NDA doesn't make you a Hindutvaadi , but there is a very high probablity that you are a hindutvaadi or atleast sympathetic to RW.
According to this article, it says that only 1.5% of Indian immigrants in USA were SC/ST and more than 90% were from the "upper"-castes, but they are only around 25-30% of India's population, although this data is from 2003 . About 61% of the the general category voted for the NDA, while the average vote for it was 45%. Source. While simply voting for the NDA doesn't make you a Hindutvaadi , but there is a very high probablity that you are a hindutvaadi or atleast sympathetic to RW. As you can see that there are many Indian origin people in USA supporting Modi.
Even outside India, there is castiesm is still there and Dalits experience casteism from the "upper"-castes there, for example, according to this report, there is evidence of casteism even in USA.
  1. 25% of the Dalit respondents said they had faced verbal abuse on the basis of their caste.
  2. 1 in 3 reported being discriminated against their education.
  3. 2 in 3 Dalits reported being treated unfairly at the work place.
  4. 60% Dalits report experiencing caste-based derogatory jokes
  5. 40% of Dalits and 14% Shudras were made to feel unwelcome at their place of worship due to their caste.
  6. 20% of Dalit respondents discriminated at a place of business due to their caste
  7. Over 40% of Dalit respondents have reported being rejected in Romantic Partnership on the basis of caste.
  8. 1 in 2 Dalits and 1 in 4 Shudras live in fear of their caste being outed.
So, it's not surprising that a lot of them brought their casteism even to USA considering that the demographics that migrate there, likely to be wealthy "upper"-caste, A group where there is a high proportion of those with castiest views. This not only make Indians look bad and gives ammo to those with racist anti-immigrant agendas, but it also make the lives of SC/ST people, who came there, even worse, now they can't even escape from castiesm there.
Casteism is definitely not just a thing of past. It is rampant even today.
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2020.08.27 23:28 GaslightEveryone No, the British did not steal $45 trillion from India

This is an updated copy of the version on BadHistory. I plan to update it in accordance with the feedback I got.
I'd like to thank two people who will remain anonymous for helping me greatly with this post (you know who you are)
Three years ago a festschrift for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri was published by Shubhra Chakrabarti, a history teacher at the University of Delhi and Utsa Patnaik, a Marxist economist who taught at JNU until 2010.
One of the essays in the festschirt by Utsa Patnaik was an attempt to quantify the "drain" undergone by India during British Rule. Her conclusion? Britain robbed India of $45 trillion (or £9.2 trillion) during their 200 or so years of rule. This figure was immensely popular, and got republished in several major news outlets (here, here, here, here (they get the number wrong) and more recently here), got a mention from the Minister of External Affairs & returns 29,100 results on Google. There's also plenty of references to it here on Reddit.
Patnaik is not the first to calculate such a figure. Angus Maddison thought it was £100 million, Simon Digby said £1 billion, Javier Estaban said £40 million see Roy (2019). The huge range of figures should set off some alarm bells.
So how did Patnaik calculate this (shockingly large) figure? Well, even though I don't have access to the festschrift, she conveniently has written an article detailing her methodology here. Let's have a look.
How exactly did the British manage to diddle us and drain our wealth’ ? was the question that Basudev Chatterjee (later editor of a volume in the Towards Freedom project) had posed to me 50 years ago when we were fellow-students abroad.
This is begging the question.
After decades of research I find that using India’s commodity export surplus as the measure and applying an interest rate of 5%, the total drain from 1765 to 1938, compounded up to 2016, comes to £9.2 trillion; since $4.86 exchanged for £1 those days, this sum equals about $45 trillion.
This is completely meaningless. To understand why it's meaningless consider India's annual coconut exports. These are almost certainly a surplus but the surplus in trade is countered by the other country buying the product (indeed, by definition, trade surpluses contribute to the GDP of a nation which hardly plays into intuitive conceptualisations of drain).
Furthermore, Dewey (2019) critiques the 5% interest rate.
She [Patnaik] consistently adopts statistical assumptions (such as compound interest at a rate of 5% per annum over centuries) that exaggerate the magnitude of the drain
Moving on:
The exact mechanism of drain, or transfers from India to Britain was quite simple.
Convenient.
Drain theory possessed the political merit of being easily grasped by a nation of peasants. [...] No other idea could arouse people than the thought that they were being taxed so that others in far off lands might live in comfort. [...] It was, therefore, inevitable that the drain theory became the main staple of nationalist political agitation during the Gandhian era.
- Chandra et al. (1989)
The key factor was Britain’s control over our taxation revenues combined with control over India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its booming commodity export surplus with the world. Simply put, Britain used locally raised rupee tax revenues to pay for its net import of goods, a highly abnormal use of budgetary funds not seen in any sovereign country.
The issue with figures like these is they all make certain methodological assumptions that are impossible to prove. From Roy in Frankema et al. (2019):
the "drain theory" of Indian poverty cannot be tested with evidence, for several reasons. First, it rests on the counterfactual that any money saved on account of factor payments abroad would translate into domestic investment, which can never be proved. Second, it rests on "the primitive notion that all payments to foreigners are "drain"", that is, on the assumption that these payments did not contribute to domestic national income to the equivalent extent (Kumar 1985, 384; see also Chaudhuri 1968). Again, this cannot be tested. [...] Fourth, while British officers serving India did receive salaries that were many times that of the average income in India, a paper using cross-country data shows that colonies with better paid officers were governed better (Jones 2013).
Indeed, drain theory rests on some very weak foundations. This, in of itself, should be enough to dismiss any of the other figures that get thrown out. Nonetheless, I felt it would be a useful exercise to continue exploring Patnaik's take on drain theory.
The East India Company from 1765 onwards allocated every year up to one-third of Indian budgetary revenues net of collection costs, to buy a large volume of goods for direct import into Britain, far in excess of that country’s own needs.
So what's going on here? Well Roy (2019) explains it better:
Colonial India ran an export surplus, which, together with foreign investment, was used to pay for services purchased from Britain. These payments included interest on public debt, salaries, and pensions paid to government offcers who had come from Britain, salaries of managers and engineers, guaranteed profts paid to railway companies, and repatriated business profts. How do we know that any of these payments involved paying too much? The answer is we do not.
So what was really happening is the government was paying its workers for services (as well as guaranteeing profits - to promote investment - something the GoI does today Dalal (2019), and promoting business in India), and those workers were remitting some of that money to Britain. This is hardly a drain (unless, of course, Indian diaspora around the world today are "draining" it). In some cases, the remittances would take the form of goods (as described) see Chaudhuri (1983):
It is obvious that these debit items were financed through the export surplus on merchandise account, and later, when railway construction started on a large scale in India, through capital import. Until 1833 the East India Company followed a cumbersome method in remitting the annual home charges. This was to purchase export commodities in India out of revenue, which were then shipped to London and the proceeds from their sale handed over to the home treasury.
While Roy's earlier point argues better paid officers governed better, it is honestly impossible to say what part of the repatriated export surplus was a drain, and what was not. However calling all of it a drain is definitely misguided.
It's worth noting that Patnaik seems to make no attempt to quantify the benefits of the Raj either, Dewey (2019)'s 2nd criticism:
she [Patnaik] consistently ignores research that would tend to cut the economic impact of the drain down to size, such as the work on the sources of investment during the industrial revolution (which shows that industrialisation was financed by the ploughed-back profits of industrialists) or the costs of empire school (which stresses the high price of imperial defence)

Since tropical goods were highly prized in other cold temperate countries which could never produce them, in effect these free goods represented international purchasing power for Britain which kept a part for its own use and re-exported the balance to other countries in Europe and North America against import of food grains, iron and other goods in which it was deficient.
Re-exports necessarily adds value to goods when the goods are processed and when the goods are transported. The country with the largest navy at the time would presumably be in very good stead to do the latter.
The British historians Phyllis Deane and WA Cole presented an incorrect estimate of Britain’s 18th-19th century trade volume, by leaving out re-exports completely. I found that by 1800 Britain’s total trade was 62% higher than their estimate, on applying the correct definition of trade including re-exports, that is used by the United Nations and by all other international organisations.
While interesting, and certainly expected for such an old book, re-exporting necessarily adds value to goods.
When the Crown took over from the Company, from 1861 a clever system was developed under which all of India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its fast-rising commodity export surplus with the world, was intercepted and appropriated by Britain. As before up to a third of India’s rising budgetary revenues was not spent domestically but was set aside as ‘expenditure abroad’.
So, what does this mean? Britain appropriated all of India's earnings, and then spent a third of it aboard? Not exactly. She is describing home charges see Roy (2019) again:
Some of the expenditures on defense and administration were made in sterling and went out of the country. This payment by the government was known as the Home Charges. For example, interest payment on loans raised to finance construction of railways and irrigation works, pensions paid to retired officers, and purchase of stores, were payments in sterling. [...] almost all money that the government paid abroad corresponded to the purchase of a service from abroad. [...] The balance of payments system that emerged after 1800 was based on standard business principles. India bought something and paid for it. State revenues were used to pay for wages of people hired abroad, pay for interest on loans raised abroad, and repatriation of profits on foreign investments coming into India. These were legitimate market transactions.
Indeed, if paying for what you buy is drain, then several billions of us are drained every day.
The Secretary of State for India in Council, based in London, invited foreign importers to deposit with him the payment (in gold, sterling and their own currencies) for their net imports from India, and these gold and forex payments disappeared into the yawning maw of the SoS’s account in the Bank of England.
It should be noted that India having two heads was beneficial, and encouraged investment per Roy (2019):
The fact that the India Office in London managed a part of the monetary system made India creditworthy, stabilized its currency, and encouraged foreign savers to put money into railways and private enterprise in India. Current research on the history of public debt shows that stable and large colonies found it easier to borrow abroad than independent economies because the investors trusted the guarantee of the colonist powers.

Against India’s net foreign earnings he issued bills, termed Council bills (CBs), to an equivalent rupee value. The rate (between gold-linked sterling and silver rupee) at which the bills were issued, was carefully adjusted to the last farthing, so that foreigners would never find it more profitable to ship financial gold as payment directly to Indians, compared to using the CB route. Foreign importers then sent the CBs by post or by telegraph to the export houses in India, that via the exchange banks were paid out of the budgeted provision of sums under ‘expenditure abroad’, and the exporters in turn paid the producers (peasants and artisans) from whom they sourced the goods.
Sunderland (2013) argues CBs had two main roles (and neither were part of a grand plot to keep gold out of India):
Council bills had two roles. They firstly promoted trade by handing the IO some control of the rate of exchange and allowing the exchange banks to remit funds to India and to hedge currency transaction risks. They also enabled the Indian government to transfer cash to England for the payment of its UK commitments.

The United Nations (1962) historical data for 1900 to 1960, show that for three decades up to 1928 (and very likely earlier too) India posted the second highest merchandise export surplus in the world, with USA in the first position. Not only were Indians deprived of every bit of the enormous international purchasing power they had earned over 175 years, even its rupee equivalent was not issued to them since not even the colonial government was credited with any part of India’s net gold and forex earnings against which it could issue rupees. The sleight-of-hand employed, namely ‘paying’ producers out of their own taxes, made India’s export surplus unrequited and constituted a tax-financed drain to the metropolis, as had been correctly pointed out by those highly insightful classical writers, Dadabhai Naoroji and RCDutt.
It doesn't appear that others appreciate their insight Roy (2019):
K. N. Chaudhuri rightly calls such practice ‘confused’ economics ‘coloured by political feelings’.

Surplus budgets to effect such heavy tax-financed transfers had a severe employment–reducing and income-deflating effect: mass consumption was squeezed in order to release export goods. Per capita annual foodgrains absorption in British India declined from 210 kg. during the period 1904-09, to 157 kg. during 1937-41, and to only 137 kg by 1946.
Dewey (1978) points out reliability issues with Indian agriculutural statistics, however this calorie decline persists to this day. Some of it is attributed to less food being consumed at home Smith (2015), a lower infectious disease burden Duh & Spears (2016) and diversified diets Vankatesh et al. (2016).
If even a part of its enormous foreign earnings had been credited to it and not entirely siphoned off, India could have imported modern technology to build up an industrial structure as Japan was doing.
This is, unfortunately, impossible to prove. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication that India would've united (this is arguably more plausible than the given counterfactual1). Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been nuked in WW2, much like Japan. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been invaded by lizard people, much like Japan. The list continues eternally.
Nevertheless, I will charitably examine the given counterfactual anyway. Did pre-colonial India have industrial potential? The answer is a resounding no.
From Gupta (1980):
This article starts from the premise that while economic categories - the extent of commodity production, wage labour, monetarisation of the economy, etc - should be the basis for any analysis of the production relations of pre-British India, it is the nature of class struggles arising out of particular class alignments that finally gives the decisive twist to social change. Arguing on this premise, and analysing the available evidence, this article concludes that there was little potential for industrial revolution before the British arrived in India because, whatever might have been the character of economic categories of that period, the class relations had not sufficiently matured to develop productive forces and the required class struggle for a 'revolution' to take place.
A view echoed in Raychaudhuri (1983):
Yet all of this did not amount to an economic situation comparable to that of western Europe on the eve of the industrial revolution. Her technology - in agriculture as well as manufacturers - had by and large been stagnant for centuries. [...] The weakness of the Indian economy in the mid-eighteenth century, as compared to pre-industrial Europe was not simply a matter of technology and commercial and industrial organization. No scientific or geographical revolution formed part of the eighteenth-century Indian's historical experience. [...] Spontaneous movement towards industrialisation is unlikely in such a situation.
So now we've established India did not have industrial potential, was India similar to Japan just before the Meiji era? The answer, yet again, unsurprisingly, is no. Japan's economic situation was not comparable to India's, which allowed for Japan to finance its revolution. From Yasuba (1986):
All in all, the Japanese standard of living may not have been much below the English standard of living before industrialization, and both of them may have been considerably higher than the Indian standard of living. We can no longer say that Japan started from a pathetically low economic level and achieved a rapid or even "miraculous" economic growth. Japan's per capita income was almost as high as in Western Europe before industrialization, and it was possible for Japan to produce surplus in the Meiji Period to finance private and public capital formation.
The circumstances that led to Meiji Japan were extremely unique. See Tomlinson (1985):
Most modern comparisons between India and Japan, written by either Indianists or Japanese specialists, stress instead that industrial growth in Meiji Japan was the product of unique features that were not reproducible elsewhere. [...] it is undoubtably true that Japan's progress to industrialization has been unique and unrepeatable
So there you have it. Unsubstantiated statistical assumptions, calling any number you can a drain & assuming a counterfactual for no good reason gets you this $45 trillion number. Hopefully that's enough to bury it in the ground.
1. Several authors have affirmed that Indian identity is a colonial artefact. For example see Rajan 1969:
Perhaps the single greatest and most enduring impact of British rule over India is that it created an Indian nation, in the modern political sense. After centuries of rule by different dynasties overparts of the Indian sub-continent, and after about 100 years of British rule, Indians ceased to be merely Bengalis, Maharashtrians,or Tamils, linguistically and culturally.
or see Bryant 2000:
But then, it would be anachronistic to condemn eighteenth-century Indians, who served the British, as collaborators, when the notion of 'democratic' nationalism or of an Indian 'nation' did not then exist. [...] Indians who fought for them, differed from the Europeans in having a primary attachment to a non-belligerent religion, family and local chief, which was stronger than any identity they might have with a more remote prince or 'nation'.

Bibliography

Chakrabarti, Shubra & Patnaik, Utsa (2018). Agrarian and other histories: Essays for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri. Colombia University Press
Hickel, Jason (2018). How the British stole $45 trillion from India. The Guardian
Bhuyan, Aroonim & Sharma, Krishan (2019). The Great Loot: How the British stole $45 trillion from India. Indiapost
Monbiot, George (2020). English Landowners have stolen our rights. It is time to reclaim them. The Guardian
Tsjeng, Zing (2020). How Britain Stole $45 trillion from India with trains Empires of Dirt. Vice
Chaudhury, Dipanjan (2019). British looted $45 trillion from India in today’s value: Jaishankar. The Economic Times
Roy, Tirthankar (2019). How British rule changed India's economy: The Paradox of the Raj. Palgrave Macmillan
Patnaik, Utsa (2018). How the British impoverished India. Hindustan Times
Tuovila, Alicia (2019). Expenditure method. Investopedia
Dewey, Clive (2019). Changing the guard: The dissolution of the nationalist–Marxist orthodoxy in the agrarian and agricultural history of India. The Indian Economic & Social History Review
Chandra, Bipan et al. (1989). India's Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947. Penguin Books
Frankema, Ewout & Booth, Anne (2019). Fiscal Capacity and the Colonial State in Asia and Africa, c. 1850-1960. Cambridge University Press
Dalal, Sucheta (2019). IL&FS Controversy: Centre is Paying Up on Sovereign Guarantees to ADB, KfW for Group's Loan. TheWire
Chaudhuri, K.N. (1983). X - Foreign Trade and Balance of Payments (1757–1947). Cambridge University Press
Sunderland, David (2013). Financing the Raj: The City of London and Colonial India, 1858-1940. Boydell Press
Dewey, Clive (1978). Patwari and Chaukidar: Subordinate officials and the reliability of India’s agricultural statistics. Athlone Press
Smith, Lisa (2015). The great Indian calorie debate: Explaining rising undernourishment during India’s rapid economic growth. Food Policy
Duh, Josephine & Spears, Dean (2016). Health and Hunger: Disease, Energy Needs, and the Indian Calorie Consumption Puzzle. The Economic Journal
Vankatesh, P. et al. (2016). Relationship between Food Production and Consumption Diversity in India – Empirical Evidences from Cross Section Analysis. Agricultural Economics Research Review
Gupta, Shaibal (1980). Potential of Industrial Revolution in Pre-British India. Economic and Political Weekly
Raychaudhuri, Tapan (1983). I - The mid-eighteenth-century background. Cambridge University Press
Yasuba, Yasukichi (1986). Standard of Living in Japan Before Industrialization: From what Level did Japan Begin? A Comment. The Journal of Economic History
Tomblinson, B.R. (1985). Writing History Sideways: Lessons for Indian Economic Historians from Meiji Japan. Cambridge University Press
Rajan, M.S. (1969). The Impact of British Rule in India. Journal of Contemporary History
Bryant, G.J. (2000). Indigenous Mercenaries in the Service of European Imperialists: The Case of the Sepoys in the Early British Indian Army, 1750-1800. War in History
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2020.08.27 22:02 autotldr World Bank halts country business climate rankings to probe

This is the best tl;dr I could make, original reduced by 33%. (I'm a bot)
WASHINGTON: The World Bank said on Thursday it was pausing publication of its "Doing Business" report to probe data collection irregularities in the closely watched annual ranking of countries' business and investment climates.
The World Bank said in a statement that it would conduct a systematic review of data changes in the last five Doing Business reports, and independent auditors will probe data collection and review processes.
"The publication of the Doing Business report will be paused as we conduct our assessment," the bank said.
The Doing Business report has long been controversial because it ranks countries based on indicators of how their government bureaucracies and regulations affect - and often limit - their attractiveness as destinations for business investment.
The World Bank said on Thursday there were "a number of irregularities" reported regarding data changes to the reports published in 2017 and 2019, but did not identify them.
"The changes in the data were inconsistent with the Doing Business methodology," the bank said, adding that it would "Correct the data of countries that were most affected by the irregularities." The most recent Doing Business report here published in October 2019, showed that Middle East countries sharply improved their rankings, with Saudi Arabia climbing 30 places to rank 62nd and Jordan jumping 29 places to 75th. New Zealand was ranked highest for the fourth year in a row, followed by perennial high-rankers Singapore and Hong Kong.
Summary Source FAQ Feedback Top keywords: report#1 Business#2 Doing#3 rank#4 Bank#5
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2020.08.27 13:17 AllAgTCups Some caste statistics.

Some statistics regarding caste and the disparity between the "upper" and the "lower" castes.
Using The NSS 2012 survey data, the population of percentage of the social groups were :
Social group Population %
SC 18.8
ST 8.7
OBC 44
General category/Others 28.5
According this study, about 52% of Brahmins and 24% of Forward castes practice untouchilbilty, not surprising that some of them end up bringing their casteism even abroad, even for educated Brahmins and Forward castes, who recieved some post-grad education, 48% and 27% respectively practiced untouchilbilty.
By Area(Rural/Urban)
Area Untouchilibility rate
Rural 30%
Urban 20%
Overall 27%
By social group/caste
Social group/caste Untouchibility rate
Brahmin 52%
Forward 24%
OBC 33%
SC 15%
ST 22%
Others 13%
By religion
Religion Untouchibility rate
Hindu 30%
Muslim 18%
Christian 5%
Sikh 23%
Buddhist 1%
Jain 35%
Tribal 5%
Others 0%
By education level
Education level Untouchibility rate
Illetrate 30%
1-4 std 26%
5-9 std 29%
10-11 std 25%
12th std/some college 24%
Graduate/Some dipolma 24%
By class
Class/Income percentile Untouchibility rate
<20 33%
20-40 29%
40-60 26%
60-80 24%
>80 23%
By regions
Region Untouchilbility rate
Hills 38%
North 21%
North-central 40%
Central Plains 49%
East 16%
West 13%
South 17%
Hills : Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand
North : Punjab, Chandigarh, Haryana, Delhi
North-central : Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand
Central Plains : Rajasthan, Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh
West : Gujarat, Daman & Diu, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Maharastra, Goa
East : Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya, Assam, West Bengal, Odisha
South : Andra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Puducherry
Regarding representation in media,
Of the 121 newsroom leadership positions – editor-in-chief, managing editor, executive editor, bureau chief, input/output editor – across the newspapers, TV news channels, news websites, and magazines under study, 106 are occupied by upper castes, five by other backward classes and six by people from minority communities. The caste of four individuals could not be identified.
  1. Three out of every four anchors (among a total of 40 anchors in Hindi channels and 47 in English channels) of debates are upper caste. Not one is Dalit, Adivasi, or OBC
  2. For over 70% of their primetime debate shows, news channels draw the majority of the panellists from the upper castes
  3. No more than 5% of all articles in English newspapers are written by Dalits and Adivasis. Hindi newspapers fare slightly better at around 10%
  4. Around 72% of bylined articles on news websites are written by people from the upper castes
  5. Only 10 of the 972 articles featuring on the cover pages of the 12 magazines under study are about issues related to caste.
According to this
  1. About 89% of leadership positions in English TV news channels belonged to the general category.
  2. About 76% of flagship show anchors belong to the general category.
  3. Only 5.6% and 1% of panellists across the surveyed channels belong to SC and ST categories respectively
  4. For Hindi news channels 100% of leadership belonged to the general category and 80% of the anchors in primetime shows
  5. On discussion of caste issues, 69% of the panellists belonged to the general category across all the surveyed channels.
  6. Out of the 16,000 articles written by English newspapers between October 2018 and March 2019, about 60% were written by "upper"-caste writers.
  7. In Hindi newspapers, 56% of writers belonged to the general category, 8.1% to SC and 1.1% to ST categories.
  8. Among digital media outlets, 84% of all leadership positions were occupied by those belonging to general category.
  9. Articles regarding caste issues in digital media, 56% were written by those from general category.
  10. Among magazines, 56% of total output come from general category writers 6.5% from SC/ST combined and 17 % from OBC category.
There is under-representation of Dalits in judiciary. According to this
In the past 70 years, India only had just ONE Dalit Chief Justice. Currently there are no Dalit Chief Justice in high courts. According to this, no SC/ST person has been elevated to the supreme court in the past 7 years or now we can say 9 years since that was written in 2018.
In corporate also there is under representation, 93% of Indian cooperate board members belong to the "forward"-castes, out of which Brahmins make up 45% and Vaishyas make up about 46%.
Similarly qualified SC candidates are less likely to be hired than the general category ones. This study shows that those with Dalit sounding names are 33% less likely to be hired and with Muslim sounding name are 67% less likely to be hired than someone "upper"-caste sounding name.
There is also a huge income disparity by caste, for SC/ST people, their income is almost half of that of forward-castes. Source (page 17) Wealth/assets here is the indicator of presennce of 33 different durable household goods like TV, air conditioner etc.
Social group Household income (in Rs./year) Wealth/Assets
SC 89,356 12.7
ST 75,216 10.2
OBC 1,04,099 14.7
FC (Brahmin) 1,67,013 18.2
FC(Non-Brahmin) 1,64,633 17.9
Overall 1,13,222 14.6
In terms of percentiles in wealth index by caste. (NFHS 2015-16, pg 31)
Social group 0-20 (Poorest quntile) 20-40 40-60 60-80 80-100 (Richest quintile)
SC 25.9 24.2 21.9 16.7 11.3
ST 45.2 25.5 14.9 9.1 5.4
OBC 18.2 19.6 21.1 22.3 18.8
Other 9.4 15.4 18.4 22.8 34.0
A score of greater than 20 means, there is larger representation of a social group in that quintile than overall for India. You can see the "lower"-caste have a higher representation in the poorer quntiles. We can see that 50.1% and 70.7% and of the SC and ST households respectively are in the two poorest quintiles.
The overall wealth/asset share of India's wealth is heavily concentrated among "upper"-caste Hindus.
Social group Household Share (%) Wealth/asset share (%) Per Household Asset (in Rs. lakhs)
Hindu UC 22.3 41 27.7
Hindu OBC 35.7 30.7 13.0
SC 18.4 7.6 6.2
ST 9.1 3.7 6.2
Muslim 11.9 8 10.0
So, it's clearly not an even playing field. So, take for examples studying for entrances for which you need books which can be quite expensive. It's highly likely that an equally smart and hardworking reserved category student will likely score lesser marks than an non-reserved category due to their conditions like being denied education or not having the money to buy the books or attend the classes.
The coaching classes for such entrance exams in medical institutions often have fees greater than Rs. 1 lakh/year and the books can cost thousands of rupees it disproportionately favours the rich and according to PLFS(Periodic Labour Force Survey) in 2017-18,
  1. About 45% of regular workers earned less than Rs. 10,000/month.
  2. About 12% of regular workers earned less than Rs. 5,000/month.
  3. About 3% of regular workers earned between Rs. 50,000 to Rs. 1,00,000/month.
  4. About 0.2% of regular workers earned more than Rs. 1,00,000/month.
We can clearly see that joining these classes favours the richest quintiles in which "upper"-castes are over represented, leaving behind students from reserved categories. Combining with they discrimination that these students on the basis of their caste, we need reservations to create an even playing field, because even with the same income, the discrimination on the basis of their caste still exists.
Reservations is only applicable to govt jobs which make up a tiny percentage of total jobs in the country.
Regarding the impact of reservations on productivity. Here's a case study of the impact of reservations in Indian Railways between 1980 to 2002. It's findings were :
The production function and data-envelopment analyses provide no evidence in support of the claim that higher proportions of jobs filled by SCSTs are associated with lower total factor productivity or its annual rate of change. Furthermore, under some specifications, higher proportions of SCST employees in high-level positions – who are most likely to be AA beneficiaries – are positively associated with higher TFP or ∆TFP. These findings resonate very strongly with studies assessing the impact of workforce diversity on enterprise productivity in the U.S., which have found either a positive or null effect, but no evidence of a negative effect (Barrington and Troske 2001)
Reservation do not really harm the productivity. The reservation policies will help increase the education level of the "lower"-castes who have been denied such opportunity for centuries. Increasing education qualification will also help them get out of poverty. And increasing their standard of living, therefore reducing the inequalities between castes. It will also result in increased representation in many fields.
Affirmative action not only benefits groups that beneficiaries of it but also improved the attitudes towards that group, increases cognitive capacities like in the case of USA.
They find that black students who probably benefited from affirmative action — because their achievement data is lower than the average student at their colleges — do better in the long-run than their peers who went to lower-status universities and probably did not benefit from affirmative action. The ones who benefited are more likely to graduate college and to earn professional degrees, and they have higher incomes.
...
But what about other students — whites and those from a higher economic background? Decades of research in higher education show that classmates of the direct beneficiaries also benefit. These students have more positive racial attitudes toward racial minorities, they report greater cognitive capacities, they even seem to participate more civically when they leave college.
This is in the case of USA, but the concept of both is similar. Both are affirmative actions.
Here's the level of education of those 15 years old and above by caste.
Social group Not literate (%) Upto primary (%) Middle (%) Secondary (%) Higher secondary (%) Diploma (%) Graduate (%) Post graduate and above (%)
ST 42.7 24.3 15.5 8.5 5.3 0.5 2.5 0.6
SC 39.0 23.2 16.4 10.8 6.1 0.7 2.9 0.8
OBC 31.8 21.2 17.0 14.2 8.3 1.4 4.7 1.5
Others 18.9 18.9 16.3 17.0 12.2 1.6 11.2 3.8
Overall 30.2 21.1 16.6 13.9 8.8 1.3 6.2 2.0
Here, we can see that we can see SC/ST people have lower rates of education. About 82.5% of ST and 78.6% SC people have either middle school or less than middle school education, while for others it is 54.1%. For having education either higher secondary or above that, it 8.9% for ST and 10.5% for SC and 28.8% for others. It's about triple the rate of SC/ST people.
As it pointed out here, according to 2011-12 NSSO statistics, the share of casual wage labourers by caste, the share wage labourers among SC was 63%, for OBC it was 44%, FC it was 42% and 46% for other groups. For causal wage labourers, the share for 47% while for it was about 33% for OBC/FC/Others. This signfies more job insecurity and poor earnings. For the total share of causal labourers in the country, 32% of them were SC, while they make up about 16% of the population. And also according to a survey
The survey was carried out among 1992 households in 80 villages across the states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh in 2013. A study of 441 farm wage labourers, indicates that about 41 per cent were denied work by the high castes due to caste prejudice. Of these, about 76 percent in grain harvesting, 20 percent in vegetable cultivation and 12 percent in drying of grains and chilly and 11 percent in domestic work were denied jobs, due to ‘polluting status’ of the untouchables.
Even among the similar type of jobs SC/ST people have lower monthly per-capita consumer expenditure (MPCE), indicating higher poverty. Here's MPCE (In Rs) by social group and type of jobs. (Source, page 17)
Social group ST SC OBC Others All ST and others gap SC and others gap
Self-employed agriculture 1,108 1,218 1,395 1,761 1,436 37.1% 30.8%
Self-employed in non-agriculture 1,260 1,314 1,506 1,694 1,509 25.6% 22.4%
Regular salaried (rural) 1,735 1,803 1,984 2,240 2,002 22.5% 19.5%
Causal labour agriculture 964 1,131 1,241 1,179 1,159 18.2% 4.1%
Casual labour non-agriculutre 1,010 1,181 1,303 1,366 1,238 26.1% 13.5%
Others (rural) 1,307 1,445 1,879 2,346 1,893 44.2% 38.4%
Self-employed (urban) 1,814 1,770 2,088 2,936 2,415 38.2% 39.7%
Regular salaried (urban) 2,762 2,493 2,700 3,582 3,062 22.9% 30.4%
Causal labour (urban) 1,283 1,403 1,538 1,650 1,514 22.2% 15.0%
Others (urban) 2,704 2,499 3,263 4,565 3,734 40.8% 45.3%
All (rural) 1,122 1,252 1,439 1,719 1,430 34.7% 27.2%
All (urban) 2,193 2,028 2,275 3,242 2,630 32.4% 37.4%
This paper talks about the difference in wages due to labor market discrimination. Although it uses different data set. But that different data set also found a difference between the wages SC/ST and non-SC/ST. In rural areas, 62% of the difference in wages is due to endowment or explanied component and 38% is due to labor market discrimination, while for urban areas it is 69% due endowments and 31% due to labor market discrimination, the difference in endowments is due to different education and location. The share of SC/ST according to 2011 census in the six biggest cities, New Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Hyderabad and Bengaluru is 11.25% combined, while their combined population in the country is about 25% and that too they are concentrated on the most underdeveloped areas of these cities, where there is lack of basic amenities like piped water and toilets. So, many live in villeges, where there is underdeveloped infrastructure, combined with social discrimination, affecting their access to quality education.
Some instances of social discrimination like 1,2,3. Making them clean toilets, dividing midday meals by caste, facing casteist abuses and more.
There's also a higher rate of unemployment observed in SCs.
Social group Unemployment rate (1993-94) Unemployment rate (2004-05) Unemployment rate (2011-12)
ST 4.2 6.5 5.6
SC 8.2 11.8 7.3
OBC N/A 7.8 5.3
Others 5.7 6.8 4.8
Overall 6 8.1 5.6
Here's unemployment rate by among the ones who received education either Higher secondary or above that.
Social group 15-24 years old Higher secondary Diploma holder Graduate and above
SC 15% 7.5% 14.7% 12.3%
OBC 12.5% 5.3% 12.2% 9.3%
Others 14.6% 5.7% 7.6% 8.8%
Total 13% 6.4% 10.2% 8.3%
Even the loss in employment due to lockdown affected the "lower"-castes the most.
Social Group Employment rate in December 2019 (%) Employment rate in April 2020 (%) Change (%)
SC 44 24 -20
ST 48 33 -15
OBC 40 26 -14
"Intermediate"-castes 42 34 -8
"Upper"-castes 39 32 -7
The decrease in employment rate of SCs is almost thrice that of "upper"-castes and for STs and OBCs it is twice that of the "upper"-castes. This would mean that the increase in poverty and the fall in standards of living due to this pandemic will affect the "lower"-castes the most and hence further widening the inequalities between castes.
Untouchibility or social discrimination also effects Dalit in the entry of opening certain businesses like food businesses. They also have the lowest relative share among self-employed workers, meaning that they are more likely engaged in low-paying casual labour work rather than running enterprises. About 11.8% of Non-Muslim general category are in white collar jobs, 4.74% for non-Muslim OBC and 4.99% for Muslims, while for SC it is 3.77% and for ST, 2.81%.
In union cabinets, the "upper-middle"-caste had share of 87.7%, the share for SC was just 4.6%. The average age of death for Dalit woman is 14.6 years less than "upper"-caste woman. Even after taking into other condition like drinking and sanitation, the average of death for Dalit woman is still lesser. The life expectancy of a Dalit woman is still 11 years lower. Source
“Even after accounting for social status differences, a gap of 5.48 years remains between the average age of death of higher caste women and Dalit women,” the UN report notes. “Further, the authors [of the 2013 study] applied the levels of mortality-related factors catalogued for higher caste women and found that there is still a gap between the life expectancy for higher caste women and Dalit women. A difference of 11.07 years remains even after attributing the Dalit social status coefficient to higher caste women. This means that life expectancy among Dalit women is 11 years lower than that of higher caste women despite experiencing identical social conditions like sanitation and drinking water.”
About 61% of the the general category voted for the NDA, while the average vote for it was 45%. Source. While simply voting for the NDA doesn't make you a Hindutvaadi , but there is a very high probablity that you are a hindutvaadi or atleast sympathetic to RW.
According to this article, it says that only 1.5% of Indian immigrants in USA were SC/ST and more than 90% were from the "upper"-castes, but they are only around 25-30% of India's population, although this data is from 2003 . About 61% of the the general category voted for the NDA, while the average vote for it was 45%. Source. While simply voting for the NDA doesn't make you a Hindutvaadi , but there is a very high probablity that you are a hindutvaadi or atleast sympathetic to RW. As you can see that there are many Indian origin people in USA supporting Modi.
Even outside India, there is castiesm is still there and Dalits experience casteism from the "upper"-castes there, for example, according to this report, there is evidence of casteism even in USA.
  1. 25% of the Dalit respondents said they had faced verbal abuse on the basis of their caste.
  2. 1 in 3 reported being discriminated against their education.
  3. 2 in 3 Dalits reported being treated unfairly at the work place.
  4. 60% Dalits report experiencing caste-based derogatory jokes
  5. 40% of Dalits and 14% Shudras were made to feel unwelcome at their place of worship due to their caste.
  6. 20% of Dalit respondents discriminated at a place of business due to their caste
  7. Over 40% of Dalit respondents have reported being rejected in Romantic Partnership on the basis of caste.
  8. 1 in 2 Dalits and 1 in 4 Shudras live in fear of their caste being outed.
So, it's not surprising that a lot of them brought their casteism even to USA considering that the demographics that migrate there, likely to be wealthy "upper"-caste, A group where there is a high proportion of those with castiest views. This not only make Indians look bad and gives ammo to those with racist anti-immigrant agendas, but it also make the lives of SC/ST people, who came there, even worse, now they can't even escape from castiesm there.
Casteism is definitely not just a thing of past. It is rampant even today.
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2020.08.24 12:32 l8nightphilosopher On replying slow and entitlement

Sharing a nice piece I found about the about constant availability and expectation of instant replies. She primarily talks about instant messaging here but I thought it might interest Slowly users as well.
 
A few years ago, I was dating a man who would take hours - hours! – to respond to my messages. It drove me insane. Naturally, I'd give him hell for it. (I was young and “in love” i.e. completely irrational and selfish - do understand.) During one such tantrum, he gifted me the following thought: if I haven't replied to you, he said, it means I haven't looked at my phone. And if I'm not looking at my phone, I'm in my good place. This I understood. The anti-screentime revolution was in full swing, we were all trying to reclaim ourselves from our phones, myself included. It helped, in my unhinged pining to hear from him, to conjure an image of him absorbed in a book, in a conversation with a friend, in a spell of work, or a nap, or even just a thought. His gently implied chide was: to expect instant responses from anyone is to hope for them to never be absorbed in their own present. Could any hope be less loving?
That thought's been coming back to me often. Maybe because I have 34 WhatsApps marked unread to respond to later and 50something emails from people I like, that I haven't felt like sitting down with for weeks. Invariably, when I do respond to such dispatches in wait, I begin with some sort of forgiveness-seeking – "sorry I didn't reply sooner!” (I'm not) / "sorry I didn't see this!” (of course I did) / “sorry I haven't had a chance to reply!” (chances are, chances were plentiful). To one friend, I recently said: “Will you forgive my 1-month reply time, please?” I really did feel bad - a month feels like too long to let a message sit, especially from a person I like as much as I like him. “Any sooner and I would have suspected something amiss," he replied. “For the future - take your time, no apology necessary.” Another friend, sending a check-in text, ended it with: “Ping back in your own time. I quite like sssss—lo0000—www messaging." Gifts. These are gifts.
I too have become a fan of ssss-loo000-Www messaging. There's a small handful of people I'm closest to on earth, with whom daily contact is as effortless as breathing. And then there's everyone else I know - people I like plenty but would rather talk to slowly, who I'm always hoping will themselves take time to respond, even when I reach out. For years, I felt guilty about this tendency to let messages sit in wait. I was accused of being “hard to get in touch with” (a criticism I've now accepted as fact). The guilt stemmed from feeling like I was letting down a normal expectation - now that we have our phones in our hands all the time, as I truly do, shouldn't we be capable of instantly responding to whatever shows up on them? Adding to the awkwardness is the fact that while I might be non-responsive on email or WhatsApp, I may still be posting on social media, making it amply clear to correspondents-in-wait that I'm not off-grid or terribly busy. I'm sitting around, actually, often just cracking inane jokes and taking selfies.
But mostly, the guilt is created by the platforms themselves, by design features built to create urgency. Like the “seen" that marks an Instagram message that's been read; like WhatsApp's “online”, “last seen”, and blue ticks; like Gmail's “nudges”, which tack bright orange reminders onto old emails: “Received 4 days ago. Reply?" (No, Google. You may own all my data but you don't yet own my time. Sit down quietly.) There's business sense in these platforms building a culture of constant availability. Their profits, to an extent, are based on our need to communicate – so of course they'd heighten that need to fever pitch. And it's worked. Here I am, basically making apologies for letting down expectations I didn't myself set.
At lam Thursday night, a stranger messaged me on Instagram asking if I could help with charity work. I saw it and thought: it's past midnight, I can reply to this tomorrow. A few minutes later, she messaged again: “You could at least reply." I felt instantly furious - how could anybody feel so entitled to my time? I said I'd planned to – just, in the morning. And she said: “It showed ‘seen' so I thought you don't wanna reply.” And so I remembered to redirect the rage towards Silicon Valley, toward the design teams building this sense of entitlement and the billionaire bosses rewarding those innovations. I'll concede that this is a tiny hill to die on. But I'd also encourage you to pan the camera out, and note that this hill forms only one pimple on the Everest that is the Facebook empire's disregard for our mental and social wellbeing.
In the last two decades, as we all started carrying smartphones around with us, it became technologically possible to reach one another instantly. But we never paused to assess the expectations that might come with that possibility and whether we're on board with them. We never came to cultural consensus on whether we want to be reached as much as we can be, and whether we want to respond as quickly as we technically can. And we forgot, maybe, the unique opportunities afforded by ssss-loo000-www corresponding - the time to let thoughts swill; the joy of stepping past legato-style daily updates, into reflective catchups about long spans of living; the chance, even, to miss one another.
I know some people will read this and think: What? And that's fine. This isn't for you. This is for my 20-year-old friend who often posts on her Instagram story: “friends, so sorry I haven't been able to respond to your messages in a couple of weeks” – sister, it's cool, you don't have to. This is who you are. It's for you, who leave scores of messages unread, resolving to sit with them later in a social mood, but being eaten up by guilt about it nonetheless. It's for everyone whose personality just doesn't lend itself to constant reachability, even if the phone in your hand does. Most of all, it's for that ex-boyfriend I used to throw tantrums at - my bad, I get it now. And I hope, always, that you're plenty absorbed.
 
Credits: @regajha
Sources:
  1. https://www.instagram.com/p/CEOpXUQhAMG
  2. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/big-mood/in-defence-of-ssss-low-texting/
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